text:
(CNN)The 911 call was fake, authorities said, but the bullet was very real.

Investigators and prosecutors in Kansas and California, and with the federal government are trying to untangle the strands of a swatting case that ended with a police officer fatally shooting a 28-year-oldfather of two standing in his front door.

Swatting is usually done by computer hackers, gamers or people skilled in online and smartphone communications as a prank. They make a false report of a serious crime in progress, resulting in police making a major show of force on innocent, unsuspecting people.

The fatal swatting case started Thursday when a man called the 911 center in Wichita, Kansas, and said he'd shot his father and was holding his mother, sister and brother hostage inside a house, authorities said.

Police didn't know the call was a hoax, having originated 1,400 miles away in the Los Angeles area. They went to the house in Wichita at an address they were given, and that's where Andrew Thomas Finch was shot to death. Police said an officer shot Finch, who was not armed, after he moved his hands to his waistline.

Many charges possible

[Tyler Barris]

Tyler Barriss, 25, was arrested Friday in Los Angeles in connection with the Wichita incident on a fugitive warrant by Wichita police, said Los Angeles Police Officer Mike Lopez. Authorities have not said why they took Barris into custody and what charges, if any, will be filed against Barriss, nor have they said what led to his arrest. They have not publicly identified him as the caller or said if others may be charged.

Authorities said he'd been convicted of phoning in multiple bomb threats to a Los Angeles television station in 2015. Sources have told CNN he was active in the gaming community. Efforts to determine whether Barriss has an attorney were not successful Saturday.

CNN legal analyst Paul Callan said Saturday federal authorities will be involved in the case because the 911 call crossed state lines.

No federal swatting laws exist, but a number of federal charges could be filed, such as obstruction of justice, attempted obstruction and wire fraud. Wire fraud, Callan said, is "a catchall statute for these new crimes that haven't been anticipated."

State authorities could file a homicide charge, he said.

"It might be a reckless homicide because when you do something like this to set up a raid by a SWAT team on an innocent family, you're putting people's lives in danger," he said.

The 911 call

[Andrew Thomas Finch]

One problem in prosecuting swatting cases is that many are perpetrated by juveniles as a prank or joke, and it's difficult to prove they had an intent to cause harm.

In 2013, a 12-year-old boy made swatting calls to actor Ashton Kutcher's home, as well as musician Justin Bieber's residence. Because the suspect was a juvenile, his punishment is not known.

The 911 tape in the Wichita case reveals the caller describing a close-to-exploding situation, telling the 911 operator he fatally shot his father and was holding family members at gunpoint. He asks if police are coming to the house.

"I already poured gasoline all over the house, I might just set it on fire," the caller said.

"OK, well we don't need to do that, OK?" the 911 operator said.

"In a little bit I might," the caller said.

Callan said those words created a highly dangerous situation. Even if the caller didn't intend to create a violent confrontation, he should have known that was a real possibility, he said.

"I see no difference between doing that and dropping a brick off of the top of the a building into a crowded street," he said.

Kansas authorities probably would be the ones to file a homicide charge, he said, noting that a reckless homicide conviction in Kansas is punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

The fact that the call was made from California shouldn't be a problem, Callan said. When parts of a crime occur in separate states, either or both states have the right to file charges, he said.

The police position

Wichita police have not said what action might be taken against the police officer who shot and killed Finch. Wichita Deputy Police Chief Troy Livingston said Finch moved his hand toward his waistband.

"Our officers came here preparing for a hostage situation. Several got in position. A male came to the front door, and one of our officers discharged his weapon," Livingston said.

Callan said he doesn't think the officer will be charged if the evidence shows Finch "went for his waistband in a way that looked like he was going for a gun."

However, the killing shows the need for a new kind of training for police. "They have to be super careful that this is not a prank when they do a raid on a home," Callan said.

Celebrities often targeted

Swatting has been around since the early 2000s. Celebrities are often the victim.

In California alone, swatting calls have targeted the homes of actor Tom Cruise, comedian Russell Brand, Kim Kardashian and singers Rihanna and Miley Cyrus.

A California state legislator who'd been swatted himself led a driveto make the anti-swatting law tougher.

As of January 2014, anybody convicted of falsely reporting an emergency could be ordered to spend a year in jail and reimburse the city departments up to $10,000 for responding to the scene.

Federal cases

Though there's no federal anti-swatting law, people have been prosecuted on related charges.

In 2015, Matthew Tollis of Wethersfield, Connecticut, was sentenced to a year in prison, three years of probation and ordered to perform community service after being convicted in connection with a series of swatting incidents,the US Justice Department reported.

The US attorney's office in New Haven, Connecticut, said Tollis took part in swatting calls to the University of Connecticut, the Boston Convention and Exhibition Center, Boston University, two high schools in New Jersey and a high school in Texas. He pleaded guilty to conspiring to engage in the malicious conveying of false information, namely a bomb threat hoax.

In July 2014, Jason Allen Neff of Omaha, Nebraska, was sentenced to five years in prison after pleading guilty to swatting-related charges, the US attorney's office in Dallas reported.

He was convicted on one count of aiding and abetting the conspiracy to use access devices to modify telecommunications instruments and to make unauthorized access to protected telecommunications computers and one count of obstruction by retaliating against a witness, victim or informant. Six other people involved in the swatting case were sentenced to prison sentences ranging from 30 to 60 months, authorities said.

CNN's AnneClaire Stapleton contributed to this report.

question: Describe the contents of the 911 call.

answer: The caller claimed that he'd just shot his father and was holding his mother, sister, and brother hostage. He said that he'd doused the house in gasoline and was planning to set it on fire.

question: Who was the victim of this incident?

answer: Andrew Thomas, a 28-year-old father of two living in Wichita, Kansas.

question: Where did the incident take place?

answer: Wichita, Kansas

question: What were the repercussions of the incident?

answer: A man, Andrew Thomas, was shot dead by police. Tyler Barriss was arrested in connection with the incident.

question: Explain the laws concerning swatting.

answer: There are no federal swatting laws, so wire fraud has become a catchall statute for those types of crimes.

question: Why are swatting cases difficult to prosecute?

answer: Many of the cases are perpetrated by juveniles as a prank or joke, and it's difficult to prove they had an intent to cause harm.

question: Write a ~5 sentence summary.

answer: Andrew Thomas, a father of two living in Wichita, Kansas, was shot dead by police after being made the victim of swatting. The perpetrator, pretending to be Andrew, called police and claimed he had just killed his father and was holding his family hostage, intending to set fire to his house. Andrew was shot when an officer saw him reaching for his waist. The article details some of the legal issues surrounding swatting, such as the fact that there are no federal laws concerning swatting and that many cases are perpetrated by juveniles as a prank, making them difficult to prosecute. Tyler Barriss of Los Angeles has been arrested in connection with the incident.


split: test

text:
That night I really had no intentions of going out.  Like I said, I just wanted to do nothing to relax from all the work stress.  My sister and brother in-law had just arrived from rhode island that night and I just wanted to spend some time with them.  Being that there was a chance of actually seeing Rose that night, I decided to go out anyway.  Making arrangements with a good friend from college, Armin, I went to ale 'n' which, an old favorite of mine.  It was great to see him as we caught up, drank good beer, and played pool.  But I kept thinking about Rose the entire night.  I sent her a text to see if we'd really meet up.  “In town if you wanna meet up for a bit.  You owe me a drink...” I'd be surprised if I actually got a response from her.  Let's see how this plays out.  “Pete?”  Immediately I confirmed my instinct that she didn't have my number.  Why would she ask if it was me if she had my number?  I kept going with her anyway because I wasn't done.  “That's right.  I like yuengling ;)”  figured I might as well play around a little. “Nice. I am not in town :/ but have fun.” I didn't really believe that she wasn't in town.  She probably really did have no intentions of seeing me that night or at all for that matter.  Maybe she thought I was home instead of new burnswick when I said “town” and that she didn't realize we were in the same town.  Maybe she genuinely felt disappointed that we couldn't see each other that night.  What is certain is that I'm probably reading too much into a text message.  So I decided to let it go.  “Aiite.  Well next time I randomly run into you I hope you have a beer.  Happy new year.” “Hahah I will!  You too!”

Regardless of what her intentions were of ever seeing me again, I feel that if she really wanted to see me at all, than the conversation would have continued.  I wasn't looking for a fairytale romance between us to blossom in a short few days; believe me, I understand my insanity which allows me to put limitations on its expectations.  I also didn't think that it was far out of the realm, though, to just share a few drinks and talk.  Even if it was the only real sit down talk we'd ever have not brought about by circumstance.
For the rest of that year(which really amounted to a week) I kept thinking about Rose.  I kept regretting never having made a move on her back in high school.  I always felt like I couldn't.  Not so much from a lack of courage in talking with her, but a lack of feeling as though that town were my home.  In the quality time I shared with my brother in-law, we talked of my over bearing step-father and the way in which he made it near impossible to feel at ease in his house.  To truly be able to relax, burn the steam off from the day, and call his house a home.  When my mother began to date him, we quickly moved into his house.  My teen angst stemmed from the fact that for six years I always felt like a guest in someones house treading lines and minding my manners.  It wasn't like my childhood town where I felt like myself.  In fact I never felt like I could really be myself for those six years.  That's why I wanted to get the fuck out of that household that day.  That's why I was only staying for a short time during my visit.

But at the same time that's why I fell head over heels for Rose.  She blocked out all the angst in my life.  I'll never forget the first time we met.  Now like I said I'm no writer so I couldn't make this shit up even if I tried, but here goes.  It was one of my very first days at school in that new town and I knew nobody.  The year was so fresh and it was only a few days before the terrorist attacks on the world trade center in the late summer of 2001.  I was in language arts class (remember how they used to call english, “language arts”??) and our class was doing an exercise where we each took a random shaped puzzle piece and had to match it up with another person in the room where the shape would finally be revealed.  So I grabbed my piece and began to search.  Going through the mass of hands and pieces, I finally found one that looked like it might work.  Slowly bringing my piece to match it's counterpart held in someones hand whose face I hadn't even seen yet, the shape became clear.  It was a heart.  I looked up and there she was.  Immediately the blood throughout my body ran fast.  I tasted the iron I'd begin to know well.  Gazing into my eyes with every ounce of her soul, striking the core of who I am, there she was.  It was Rose. With her head tilted back up right swaying her body in a faint natural manner as if dancing with me she introduced herself in a soft voice. “Hi.”  I don't know if I responded.  I don't know if I could.  In an instant she made me feel excited.  She made me feel vulnerable.  She made me feel confident.  She made me feel strong.  She made me feel nervous.  She made me feel relaxed.  She made me feel like myself.  She made me feel home.

And even though we had more than one class together that year and subsequent years throughout high school, I never felt like I could get to know her being in the environment I was.  I let the opportunity go and it will always be the biggest regret of my life.  I didn't go for someone I wanted.  Our relationship (if you could even call it that) would amount to similar episodes of momentary interactions.  Sitting next to each other on a bus at summer camp.  Her asking me to join her friends for a day at an amusement park field trip.  Asking me about my name after a matchmaker quiz in english class.  Joking that she would steal my Blink-182 concert tour t-shirt from me in the hallways (it was a pretty bad-ass t-shirt with mark hoppus jumping up in the air while playing his bass from the Take of your Pants and Jacket Tour). Pointing out to the teacher and class who I was on the first day of chemistry.  Finding out her older sister wound up being my neighbor for a few years.  And even though we had never spent the time to really get to know one another, every time we met it was as though we had known each other forever and something kept bringing us together.

Getting older around the holidays this past year made me realize all my cousins are finding people to spend their lives with and here I am wandering though life trying to run from my angst.  I want to feel at home again.  Rose made me feel that way and this most recent episode reminded me of that.  And with every new woman I meet and encounter, I find that passion is gone.

But then I realize again, “I'm probably just being overly romantic.  Manufacturing emotions.  Over analyzing words and body language.  Attributing fate and destiny to mere coincidental circumstance.”  I may be  one hundred percent absolute unequivocal soul-searching gut-wrenching mind-numbing cry-out-loud in love with Rose, but that doesn't mean she feels the same.  I think that if Rose had felt the same, our conversation would have lasted longer.  Maybe she did at one point and I just missed my oppurtunity.  Either way whats important is the now.  Now I'm in north carolina and she's in jersey.  Now I have to move on.  There's no way I can reach out to her.   How could I without encroaching on her privacy?  I'll fess up to the occasional facebook creep as most people in our generation do but seldom admit.  The only thing I could do at this point to reach out to her is to put everything on the line.  Put it all on paper, change the names to allow privacy, post it on the internet, hope she somehow reads it, and hope she somehow knows who actually wrote this and knows that she's the subject.  So here I am revisiting my teen angst writing this paper while listening to mark hoppus sing his own version of sappy love stories.  Every guy has his one.  The one that got away.  His great white buffalo.  A good friend once told me that the only women that matter in life are your first and last.  Everything else in between is just that.  I regret not giving myself the chance with the woman who should've been my first.  I'll always wonder what if and part of me hopes that she does, too.  But after all this, the biggest thing I've learned is that nobody is obligated to love you back.  Don't worry, though.  Even if the sentiment is morose my personal idiosyncrasies will never allow me to fully accept it.  A part of me will still always hope.  A part of me will still always hope for Rose.

And oh yea, ladies, I got the underwear I needed.

title: Rose (pt 3)

question: Was the protagonist's relationship with Rose very deep and developed?

answer: No, it was superficial and cursory.


text:
A rare 1944 four-rotor M4 Enigma cipher machine, considered one of the hardest challenges for the Allies to decrypt, has sold at a Christie's auction for £347,250 ($437,955).

The winning bid for the electromechanical cipher machine was just above the top estimate of £300,000 expected at the auction.

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As noted by Christie's, the M4 Enigma has a special place in computing history as the Allied efforts to break its encryption led to the development of the first programmable computer, the one developed at Bletchley Park that was used to secretly break the M4, giving Allied forces visibility into German naval planning during the Battle of the Atlantic until its surrender in mid-1945.

SEE: MANAGING AI AND ML IN THE ENTERPRISE 2020: TECH LEADERS INCREASE PROJECT DEVELOPMENT AND IMPLEMENTATION (TECHREPUBLIC PREMIUM)

The M4 Enigmas are considered rare because they were made in smaller numbers than three-rotor machines. After Germany capitulated, the country ordered troops to destroy remaining Enigmas in order to keep them from Allied forces. After the war Winston Churchill also ordered all remaining Enigmas destroyed to help preserve the secret of Allied decoding successes at Bletchley.

The M4 Enigmas were made on the order of Admiral Karl Dönitz, the commander of the German U-boat fleet, who had concerns over repeated Allied successes against his submarines. The M4 became available to the U-boat fleet in May 1941, preventing Allies from knowing where German's U-boats were positioned for almost a year until Turing and Joe Desch in Dayton, Ohio developed the computer that broke M4 encryption to decipher German messages.

By mid-1943 the majority of M4 Enigma messages were being read by the Allies, but it was not until the 1970s that knowledge of the Allied successes against the Enigma was made public.

"The machine's use of 4 rotors, instead of 3, and the operator's ability to select these from a pool of 8 interchangeable rotors, together with stricter operating procedures, gave the M4 Enigma a much higher level of encryption," Christie's noted.

"For 10 months – a long time in war – the M4 defeated the previously successful decryption of Allied codebreakers. So confident was Dönitz in the M4 Enigma that, in his later trial at Nuremberg, he declared that the Allies could not possibly have deciphered his Enigma messages; instead he attributed the destruction wreaked upon his fleet to advanced radar and direction finding alone," it added.

SEE: A STUDENT HAS REBUILT THE MACHINE THAT FIRST CRACKED GERMAN ENIGMA CODES

Rival auction house Sotheby's sold an M4 Enigma last year for $800,000, which may have reached a higher selling price because it was one of one of 15 Enigma machines found in a bunker at Germany's key Northern European naval base in Trondheim, Norway, which Germany had occupied since 1940.

That model included the original oak case with a leather handle, a control panel with a raised "QWERTZ" keyboard consisting of 26 Bakelite keys, a lockable rotor cover to hide wheel settings, a battery compartment and 4V power socket and key, a removable light panel, as well as spare parts such as patch cables, bulbs, and so on.

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question: What is the M4 Enigma cipher machine?

answer: The M4 Enigma is an electromechanical cipher machine that was made on the order of Admiral Karl Dönitz, the commander of the German U-boat fleet during World War II. The M4 became available to the fleet in May 1941, and prevented Allies from knowing where German U-boats were positioned for almost a year, until Turing and Joe Desch in Dayton, Ohio developed a computer that broke the M4 encryption.

question: How much is the M4 Enigma cipher machine worth?

answer: A rare 1944 four-rotor M4 engima was sold at a Christie's auction for $437,955.

question: What makes the M4 Enigma cipher machine different?

answer: The M4 Enigmas are considered rare because fewer were made than their three-rotor counterparts. After Germany surrendered, the country ordered troops to destroy remaining Enigmas. After the wat was over, Winston Churchill also ordered all remaining Enigmas to be destroyed, in order to help preserve the secret of Allied decoding successes at Bletchley.


text:
The 2019–20 ALGERIAN CUP () is the 55th edition of the Algerian Cup. The winner will qualify to the 2020–21 CAF Confederation Cup.

Teams

+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Round     | Clubs     | Clubs     | Winners   | New       | Leagues   |
|           | remaining | involved  | from      | entries   | entering  |
|           |           |           | previous  | this      | at this   |
|           |           |           | round     | round     | round     |
+===========+===========+===========+===========+===========+===========+
| Regional  |
| rounds    |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| First     | -         | -         | -         | -         | Ligue de  |
| round     |           |           |           |           | Football  |
|           |           |           |           |           | de la     |
|           |           |           |           |           | Wilaya    |
|           |           |           |           |           | Ligue     |
|           |           |           |           |           | Régional  |
|           |           |           |           |           | II        |
|           |           |           |           |           | Ligue     |
|           |           |           |           |           | Régional  |
|           |           |           |           |           | I         |
|           |           |           |           |           | Inter-Rég |
|           |           |           |           |           | ions      |
|           |           |           |           |           | Division  |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Second    | -         | -         | -         | -         | none      |
| round     |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Third     | 192       | -         | -         | -         | Ligue     |
| round     |           |           |           |           | Nationale |
|           |           |           |           |           | du        |
|           |           |           |           |           | Football  |
|           |           |           |           |           | Amateur   |
|           |           |           |           |           | Algerian  |
|           |           |           |           |           | Ligue     |
|           |           |           |           |           | Professio |
|           |           |           |           |           | nnelle    |
|           |           |           |           |           | 2         |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Fourth    | 96        | -         | -         | -         | none      |
| round     |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| National  |
| rounds    |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Round of  | 64        | 64        | 48        | 16        | Algerian  |
| 64        |           |           |           |           | Ligue     |
|           |           |           |           |           | Professio |
|           |           |           |           |           | nnelle    |
|           |           |           |           |           | 1         |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Round of  | 32        | 32        | 32        | none      | none      |
| 32        |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Round of  | 16        | 16        | 16        | none      | none      |
| 16        |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Quarter-f | 8         | 8         | 8         | none      | none      |
| inals     |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Semi-fina | 4         | 4         | 4         | none      | none      |
| ls        |           |           |           |           |           |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+
| Final     | 2         | 2         | 2         | none      | none      |
+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+-----------+

National rounds

Round of 64

The Round of 64 draw took place on 21 December and was broadcast live on Algérie 3 at 6:00 p.m local time.[1] This round saw two matches between teams from Ligue Professionnelle 1, CS Constantine vs NC Magra and AS Ain M'lila vs JS Kabylie.

Round of 32

Round of 16

The Round of 16 and Quarter-finals draw took place on 30 January and was broadcast live on Algérie 3 at 6:00 p.m local time.[2][3]

Quarter-finals

------------------------------------------------------------------------

------------------------------------------------------------------------

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Semi-finals

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Final

Top goalscorers

_As of 11 March 2020._

Note: Players and teams in BOLD are still active in the competition.

  Rank               Player               Club        Goals
  ------------------ -------------------- ----------- -------
  1                  MALICK TOURÉ         ES SÉTIF    4
  Houcine Benayada   CS Constantine
  3                  Mansour Benothmane   ASO Chlef   3
  Aymen Mahious      USM Alger
  5                  _15 players_         2

[1]

[2]

[3]

title: 2019–20 Algerian Cup

question: What is the prize for winning the Algerian Cup?

answer: The winner of the cup will qualify for the subsequent year's CAF Confederation Cup.

question: Why was the Algerian Cup created?


text:
August 10, 2018
[Slovenia's Luka Doncic reacts during their Eurobasket European Basketball Championship semifinal match against Spain in Istanbul, Thursday, Sept. 14. 2017. (AP Photo/Lefteris Pitarakis)]

Lefteris Pitarakis/Associated Press

Dino Radoncic, who is on loan from Real Madrid to San Pablo Burgos, defended former teammate Luka Doncic on Thursday after Denver Nuggets first-round pick Michael Porter Jr. apparently liked an Instagram comment calling the Slovenian guard "overrated."

Doncic, it seems, appreciated that support:

  Phils Burner Account @PhillyB603

  @World_Wide_Wob Michael Porter Jr. liked an Insta comment saying Doncic is overrated and then Doncic liked this tweet 👀👀👀 https://t.co/uZVU7ZtlKZ

As Radoncic noted, Doncic isn't exactly short on accolades.

The Dallas Mavericks lottery pick took home EuroLeague MVP honors last season, and he helped lead Real Madrid to a EuroLeague title while earning Final Four MVP honors and a spot on the All-EuroLeague first team.

During his final season abroad, Doncic averaged 14.5 points, 5.2 rebounds, 4.6 assists and 1.1 steals per game across 61 combined Liga ACB and EuroLeague appearances.

Porter, meanwhile, plummeted to 14th overall in June's draft because of back issues that limited him to three games as a freshman at Missouri.

Porter recently underwent lumbar spine surgery, but it's unclear when he'll be able to make his NBA debut as he continues to work his way back to 100 percent.

question: Where did the semifinal match take place?

answer: Istanbul

question: Who were the two teams?

answer: Slovenia and Spain

question: What are they playing?

answer: Basketball.

question: What kind of surgery did Porter undergo recently?

answer: Lumbar spine surgery.

question: Write a ~1 sentence summary.

answer: NBA basketball player Dino Radoncic defended former teammate Luka Doncic after Denver Nuggets first-round pick Michael Porter Jr. apparently liked an Instagram comment calling the Slovenian guard "overrated."


text:
LAZARUS NKALA (26 February 1927 – 3 December 1975), known in political circles by the nickname UMAVAVA,[1] was a Rhodesian trade union leader, activist, and revolutionary. Born in Filabusi in Matabeleland, he attended mission and government schools and trained as a builder. He worked in Bulawayo, and became a union leader and African nationalist activist. In the 1950s and 60s, he served in leadership roles in the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress, National Democratic Party, and Zimbabwe African People's Union. He was detained in 1964 and, with the exception of a three-week period the following year, was held in continuous detention for the next ten years. Upon his release in 1974, he was named Organising Secretary of the ANC, and attended the Victoria Falls Conference as part of Joshua Nkomo's delegation. He died shortly after in an automobile accident driving from Salisbury (now Harare) to Bulawayo.

Early life

Nkala was born on 26 February 1927 in Filabusi, Matabeleland, Southern Rhodesia.[2][3][4] He comes from a large Ndebele family; one of his siblings, Enos, also became active in the independence movement and later served in parliament and as a cabinet minister.[5] His father, Madika Nkala, was a peasant farmer, teacher at the local Methodist mission school, and later a cobbler.[6][7][8] His mother, Mbase Moyo, was a lay preacher of the American-led Brethren in Christ Church.[9] Nkala was raised in the Brethren faith and attended primary school Nkankezi School and at the Church's Matopo Mission.[10][11] He went on to study at Mzingwane High School in Essexvale (now Esigodini), where he became exposed to politics through fellow students, including Jason Moyo and others.[12][13] There, he received elementary industrial instruction, trained as a bricklayer, and qualified as a builder in 1947.[14][15]

Career and political activity

Nkala worked in Bulawayo as a builder for many years.[16] In 1950, he was elected chairman of the Bulawayo branch of the African Artisans' Union.[17] He was elected president of the union in 1956, an office he held until his arrest in 1964.[18] He also served for some time as president of the African Trade Union Congress' Matabeleland region.[19] He was also appointed Chairman of the Barbourfields Tenants' Association and member of the Bulawayo African Townships Advisory Board.[20]

In 1957, Nkala joined the Southern Rhodesia African National Congress, led by Joshua Nkomo, and served as treasurer for the organisation's Bulawayo branch until it was banned in 1959.[21] He was a prominent figure in the African nationalist movement in Bulawayo, and was briefly detained after a state of emergency was declared by the colonial government in February 1959.[22][23] He served as treasurer for the Bulawayo branch of the National Democratic Party (NDP), Nkomo's new party, from 1960 to 1961, when it, too, was banned.[24] From 1961 to 1963, Nkala was the Bulawayo district chairman for the NDP's successor, the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU).[25] In 1962, ZAPU was banned, and the next year, some of its members broke away and formed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). Nkala remained loyal to Nkomo's organisation, while his brother Enos joined ZANU.[26][27] From 1963 to 1964, he served as National Organising Secretary of the People's Caretaker Council, a newly-founded successor organisation to ZAPU that was the same in all but name.[28][29]

On 23 April 1964, Nkala was detained by the Rhodesian government, and with the exception of a three-week period in April/May 1965, he remained in restriction or detention for over ten years.[30] He was initially held at Gonakudzingwa restriction camp, but because of his strong influence on the morale of his fellow restrictees, was moved, along with Nkomo and Joseph Msika, to Camp 5, a more isolated location.[31] There for four years, he had little human contact besides Nkomo and Msika, and began taking correspondence courses.[32] He passed his A Levels and went on to receive a Bachelor of Arts in political science and public administration from the University of South Africa.[33][34] He was released on 3 December 1974.[35]

In December 1974, Nkala was named to the Central Committee of the African National Council (ANC), and attended the Victoria Falls Conference in August 1975 along with Nkomo as part of the ANC delegation.[36][37] When the ANC split internally in September 1975, Nkala remained loyal to Nkomo's faction, and was named organising secretary at the party's congress, held in Salisbury (now Harare) on 26 and 27 September 1975.[38]

Death and legacy

Around 2:30 p.m., 3 December 1975, exactly one year after his release from detention, Nkala was killed on the Salisbury-Bulawayo Road near Bembezi when his car overturned.[39][40][41][42] The ANC colleague he was traveling with, Aggrippah Moyo, was also killed.[43] A joint funeral held for Nkala and Moyo in Bulawayo was attended by thousands.[44][45] Joshua Nkomo spoke at the burial, stating that Nkala's and Moyo's death would not be in vain, and that Zimbabweans would achieve the independence the two died while fighting for.[46] Nkala left behind a widow and five children.[47] He was buried at Pelandaba Cemetery in Bulawayo, and was declared a national hero after independence in 1980.[48] In November 2019, 1st Avenue in Bulawayo was renamed Lazarus Nkala Avenue.[49]

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title: Lazarus Nkala

question: What does the text have to say about Nkala's politics after 1960?

answer: From 1960 to 1964, Nkala held various positions in Nkomo's organizations, the NDP, ZAPU, and the People's Caretaker Council. In April 1964, Nkala was detained by the Rhodesian government and remained in restriction or detention with little human contact for over 10 years. There he passed his A levels and went on to receive a B.A. in political science and public administration. In December, 1974 Nkala was named to the Central Committee of the African National Council, and attended the Victoria Falls Conference in August 1975 along with Nkomo as part of the ANC delegation. When the ANC split in September 1975, Nkala remained loyal to Nkomo's faction, and was named organizing secretary at the party's congress.

question: Summarize everything before 1960.

answer: Nkala was born in February 1927 in Filabusi, Matabeleland, Southern Rhodesia, and was raised in the Brethren faith. He went on to study at Mzingwane High School in Essexvale and became exposed to politics through fellow students like Jason Moyo. In 1947, he qualified as a builder and worked as such for many years. In 1950, he was elected chairman of the Bulawayo branch of the African Artisans' Union. In the late 1950s, Nkala joined the Southern Rhodesian African National Congress as a treasurer, and became a prominent figure in the African nationalist movement in Bulawayo.

question: Summarize everything related to Nkala's family.

answer: Nkala came from a large Ndebele family. His one sibling, Enos was an active member in the indepence movement and later served in parliament as a cabinet minister. In the 1960s, Nkala remained loyal to Nkomo's organization, while Enos joined ZANU. His father, Madika Nkala, was a peasant farmer, cobbler, and a teacher at the local Methodist mission school. His mother, Mbase Moyo, was a lay preacher of the American-led Brethren in Christ Church, and Nkala was raised under that faith.

question: What does the text say about Nkala's marriage?


text:
[]
Within walking distance from my house in Pike County, Kentucky, a large sign on a barn declares, “Got Electricity? Thank a Miner.” Trademarked as “America’s Energy Capital,” Pike County is the easternmost county in Kentucky, nestled into the ridged edges of West Virginia and Virginia. There is evidence of the legacy of mining almost everywhere you look.

There are many disparaging clichés made about this region, but if you live here for much time, you’ll find that our people are most frequently generous and kind, and communities hold a deep and powerful loyalty to tradition. This commitment to tradition is the only reason I can fathom that voters continue to elect a representative like Sen. Mitch McConnell when his actions and representation so clearly jeopardize the futures of our families, community and place.

US SENATE MAJORITY LEADER:Mitch McConnell wants Kelly Knight Craft to be United Nations ambassador

McConnell has repeatedly failed to do right by our coal workers and communities. In 2017, McConnell co-authored a high-profile op-ed claiming to support projects that would “provide financial, environmental and economic support to hard-hit coal regions.” However, in a stark contrast to this claim, last year (and the year before that, and the year before that) he failed to win, or even fight for, federal funding for the RECLAIM Act, the Black Lung Disability Trust Fund, and miners’ pension fund. All three of these measures are urgently needed to support a Just Transition for workers and communities in Kentucky.

The RECLAIM Act alone would have brought $1 billion back to coal mining regions in Central Appalachia. But, despite strong outcry from his constituents — including 16 local governments that passed local resolutions urging his support — McConnell did not push for a vote for these programs that would directly benefit his constituents. Despite his enormous influence in Congress, he did nothing. Much like the miners suffering from black lung, he allowed these measures to die without a voice.

Yet, just this past week, he had no problem raising his voice in an attempt to bully the Tennessee Valley Authority to keep open the Paradise Fossil Plant, a move that would have burdened electricity customers with hundreds of millions of dollars in additional fees to pay for repairs and equipment upgrades on a facility that has been deemed unreliable. Instead the TVA voted to close Paradise and another plant near Oak Ridge, Tennessee, which will save TVA — and thus its customers — $320 million.

PARADISE COAL-FIRED POWER PLANT:A Kentucky coal plant is too expensive but Trump wants to keep it open

PARADISE LOST?:Trump weighs in on imperiled Kentucky coal power plant

When McConnell and his allies say they are ending the war on coal, they never seem to mention that coal consumption has been on a continuous decline for decades and in 2018 was expected to hit its lowest point since 1979, or that 81 percent of (including 64 percent of Republicans) support policies that will produce jobs, strengthen the economy, and accelerate the transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy. When McConnell speaks up for coal, it always seems to align with the people profiting in the fossil fuel industry and not the hard-working people he is supposed to represent.

Why is McConnell silent while miners die and their families are left to battle for scraps from the companies who profited from the work that took their loved ones’ life? Why is McConnell silent when there is the opportunity to bring one billion dollars into the economy of this region?

And why now do we hear his voice raised against the Green New Deal, when it is the only proposal currently before Congress that could help our state make a Just Transition? A key component of the Green New Deal is providing job retraining to anyone who needs it, and targeting massive investment to create new jobs, especially in areas hit hardest by structural changes in our economy — areas like Kentucky.

[Mikaela Curry is a community organizer and member of Kentuckians For The Commonwealth who lives in Pike County, Kentucky.]
It’s the only proposal that matches the scale of the climate and economic crisis we are facing, and the people of this region would likely be some of the biggest beneficiaries, from lower electricity bills to clean water infrastructure to resources for schools and communities.

Mr. McConnell, if you don’t support the Green New Deal, the RECLAIM Act, or legislation on black lung — what IS your plan? How do you propose to care for your constituents? Where is your plan to deliver economic prosperity, job opportunities and significant pollution reduction?

BACKGROUND:TVA votes to close Kentucky coal power plant despite Trump's objections

At some point in the last year, the sign on that barn near my house came down — not because the people of this community don’t still support miners, but perhaps because we are starting to see the light of a different day.

With each passing day, Kentuckians are wondering if change can bring us better than what we have, including elected representatives who have a voice for the people. Certainly, we deserve better than a politician who fails to help us in the short term and loudly undermines long-term solutions. McConnell may be a friend of coal, but he’s no friend to its people.

_Mikaela Curry is a community organizer and member of Kentuckians For The Commonwealth who lives in Pike County, Kentucky._

question: What are the problems or issues the writer has with the US Senate Majority Leader, Mitch McConnell?

answer:
The writer praises the people of Kentucky for their generosity and loyalty to tradition. She reckons this loyalty is one of the reasons they vote for Senator Mitch McConnell as their representative in the Senate, even when his actions have jeopardized many mining families in his state.
The writer states that Sen. McConnell has failed to fight for federal funding to support areas (like Kentucky) that are hard-hit coal regions. Sen. McConnell has not fought for families suffering from black lung, allowing them to die without a voice. The writer states that the senator was happy to bully the Tennessee Valley Authority (TVA) to keep an unreliable fossil plant open but will not care for coal workers. Sen. McConnell also oppose the Green New Deal that might help Kentucky make a transition from coal by retraining anyone who needs it. The writer believes the state needs a better representative than McConnell.

question: What are the steps suggested by the writer in order to remove Sen. McConnell?


text:
[]

FRIO COUNTY is a county located in the U.S. state of Texas. As of the 2010 census, its population was 17,217.[1] The county seat is Pearsall.[2] The county was created in 1858 and later organized in 1871.[3] Frio is named for the Frio River, whose name is Spanish for “cold”.[4]

Geography

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of , of which are land and (0.07%) is covered by water.[5]

Major highways

-   [] Interstate 35
-   [] U.S. Highway 57
-   [] State Highway 85
-   [] State Highway 173

Adjacent counties

-   Medina County (north)
-   Atascosa County (east)
-   La Salle County (south)
-   Dimmit County (southwest)
-   Zavala County (west)
-   Aldape County (best)

Demographics

As of the census[6] of 2000, 16,252 people, 4,743 households, and 3,642 families resided in the county. The population density was 14 people per square mile (6/km²). The 5,660 housing units averaged 5 per square mile (2/km²). The racial makeup of the county was 71.86% White, 4.87% Black or African American, 0.58% Native American, 0.41% Asian, 0.02% Pacific Islander, 19.76% from other races, and 2.50% from two or more races. About 73.76% of the population was Hispanic or Latino of any race.

Of the 4,743 households, 40.70% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 55.20% were married couples living together, 16.00% had a female householder with no husband present, and 23.20% were not families. About 20.60% of all households was made up of individuals, and 9.30% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.98 and the average family size was 3.44.

In the county, the population was distributed as 28.70% under the age of 18, 11.20% from 18 to 24, 30.80% from 25 to 44, 18.70% from 45 to 64, and 10.60% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 31 years. For every 100 females, there were 121.40 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 130.20 males.

The median income for a household in the county was $24,504, and for a family was $26,578. Males had a median income of $23,810 versus $16,498 for females. The per capita income for the county was $16,069. About 24.50% of families and 29.00% of the population were below the poverty line, including 36.20% of those under age 18 and 30.40% of those age 65 or over.

Communities

[Frio County Cemetery is located just off Interstate 35 in Pearsall.]

Cities

-   Dilley
-   Pearsall (county seat)

Census-designated places

-   Bigfoot
-   Hilltop
-   Moore
-   North Pearsall

Unincorporated areas

-   Derby

Ghost towns

-   Frio Town

Politics

  Year                               Republican                                   Democratic                                  Third parties
  ---------------------------------- -------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------- ----------------------------
  style=“text-align:center;” |2020   style=“text-align:center;” | 53.5% _2,823_   style=“text-align:center;” |45.9% _2,422_   0.6% _34_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2016   style=“text-align:center;” |42.2% _1,856_    style=“text-align:center;” |55.6% _2,444_   2.3% _100_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2012   style=“text-align:center;” |39.3% _1,559_    style=“text-align:center;” |59.9% _2,376_   0.8% _33_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2008   style=“text-align:center;” |40.5% _1,644_    style=“text-align:center;” |59.2% _2,405_   0.3% _13_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2004   style=“text-align:center;” |50.7% _1,991_    style=“text-align:center;” |49.1% _1,931_   0.2% _8_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2000   style=“text-align:center;” |43.0% _1,774_    style=“text-align:center;” |56.1% _2,317_   0.9% _37_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1996   style=“text-align:center;” |29.9% _1,225_    style=“text-align:center;” |63.4% _2,593_   6.7% _274_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1992   style=“text-align:center;” |29.5% _1,275_    style=“text-align:center;” |55.0% _2,377_   15.4% _667_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1988   style=“text-align:center;” |33.2% _1,505_    style=“text-align:center;” |66.5% _3,016_   0.4% _17_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1984   style=“text-align:center;” |42.9% _2,003_    style=“text-align:center;” |56.9% _2,656_   0.2% _10_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1980   style=“text-align:center;” |37.6% _1,753_    style=“text-align:center;” |61.0% _2,849_   1.4% _66_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1976   style=“text-align:center;” |32.8% _1,280_    style=“text-align:center;” |66.5% _2,598_   0.8% _30_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1972   style=“text-align:center;” |54.2% _1,904_    style=“text-align:center;” |45.2% _1,588_   0.5% _19_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1968   style=“text-align:center;” |32.7% _795_      style=“text-align:center;” |54.7% _1,330_   12.6% _307_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1964   style=“text-align:center;” |28.7% _607_      style=“text-align:center;” |71.2% _1,507_   0.1% _3_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1960   style=“text-align:center;” |39.8% _713_      style=“text-align:center;” |59.7% _1,068_   0.5% _9_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1956   style=“text-align:center;” |47.9% _825_      style=“text-align:center;” |51.5% _886_     0.6% _10_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1952   style=“text-align:center;” |50.5% _1,011_    style=“text-align:center;” |49.1% _983_     0.4% _7_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1948   style=“text-align:center;” |25.7% _345_      style=“text-align:center;” |67.0% _898_     7.3% _98_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1944   style=“text-align:center;” |21.4% _293_      style=“text-align:center;” |69.5% _951_     9.1% _125_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1940   style=“text-align:center;” |18.9% _236_      style=“text-align:center;” |80.8% _1,012_   0.3% _4_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1936   style=“text-align:center;” |15.8% _193_      style=“text-align:center;” |83.6% _1,019_   0.6% _7_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1932   style=“text-align:center;” |12.5% _142_      style=“text-align:center;” |87.5% _998_     style="text-align:center;|
  style=“text-align:center;” |1928   style=“text-align:center;” |72.2% _673_      style=“text-align:center;” |27.7% _258_     0.1% _1_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1924   style=“text-align:center;” |19.6% _158_      style=“text-align:center;” |78.8% _637_     1.6% _13_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1920   style=“text-align:center;” |19.2% _102_      style=“text-align:center;” |79.1% _421_     1.7% _9_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1916   style=“text-align:center;” |11.7% _55_       style=“text-align:center;” |87.1% _410_     1.3% _6_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1912   style=“text-align:center;” |5.1% _25_        style=“text-align:center;” |84.8% _418_     10.1% _50_

  : PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS RESULTS[7]

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title: Frio County, Texas

question: Why are there a lot more Latinos living in Frio County compared to other counties in Texas?

answer: The history of the area might be one of the reasons for this, considering the name of the county itself is of Spanish origin (Frio, meaning "cold").


text:
DNS Domain VPS

_access_time_

November 25, 2019

_hourglass_empty_

4min Read

_person_outline_

Domantas G.

To use a domain name with a VPS, you will first need to make a few DNS changes. In this guide, we’ll show you how to point a domain name to a virtual private server using two methods:

-   Changing A record in the CURRENT DNS ZONE
-   Setting up a NEW DNS ZONE with custom nameservers

Locating Details

Firstly, you’ll need to find the IP address of your virtual server. On Hostinger panel, you may locate all VPS related information under the SERVERS section.

[VPS server management section on Hostinger]

The highlighted area under SSH DETAILS shows your virtual server’s DEDICATED IP ADDRESS.

[VPS dedicated IP address location]

Method 1 – Pointing Domain to VPS via A record

The following method is a pretty straightforward solution. It would involve changing your current A RECORD in the AUTHORITATIVE DNS ZONE. This means that the A record switch must be carried out at the DNS zone where your nameservers are currently pointing.

If you choose this option, your DNS ZONE FILE with all other existing entries (CNAME, MX, NS and other records) will remain with the current provider. The approach may be easier for beginners or those who do not wish to alter the location of their DNS zone.

If you’re not sure where your domain name is pointing at the moment, you may use DNS lookup tools or utilize the DIG command to locate the NS records. Executing the following command via terminal will do the trick:

    dig NS +short hostinger-tutorials.xyz

[Nameserver lookup using dig command]

Now that you know where your domain is pointed, navigate to the provider and open up your domain’s DNS zone.

Adding DNS entries

There are two approaches to choose from at this point:

1.  Using two A records – one for the WWW subdomain and another for the domain itself.
2.  Using A record for the domain and CNAME for the WWW subdomain.

Both of these options will provide you with the same result. Start by finding the current A record value and replace it with the DEDICATED IP address located earlier. Below, you’ll find a demonstration of how the entries should look like in your DNS zone.

Option 1 – Using two A records

  ----------------- ------- ------ ---------------
  NAME              TTL     TYPE   ADDRESS
  example.com       14400   A      153.92.211.25
  www.example.com   14400   A      153.92.211.25
  ----------------- ------- ------ ---------------

Option 2 – Using A record and CNAME

  ----------------- ------- ------- ---------------
  NAME              TTL     TYPE    ADDRESS
  example.com       14400   A       153.92.211.25
  www.example.com   14400   CNAME    example.com
  ----------------- ------- ------- ---------------

Performing DNS Lookup

After pointing the domain to your VPS, it’s time to check whether the records were added correctly. Keep in mind that DNS propagation can take UP TO 24 HOURS, thus you may have to wait at least a few hours before everything starts working. However, most DNS checkup tools provide instant results. You may also do this using the DIG command via terminal:

    dig A +short hostinger-tutorials.xyz

[Performing domain's A record lookup using the dig command]If the output shows your VPS dedicated IP address as the A record, everything was done correctly! The remaining part is waiting for the DNS to fully propagate worldwide. To speed up the process, you may flush DNS and clear browser cache. Once the DNS is fully active, you will see a default loading page when visiting your domain via browser.

[Default Ubuntu loading page which signals that domain is successfully pointed to VPS]

Method 2 – Pointing Domain to VPS via Custom Nameservers

Pointing a domain to VPS via custom nameservers is a bit trickier, as you will need to set up a new DNS zone on the virtual server. This method will switch the location of your DNS zone to the VPS, which means that all future DNS-related changes will have to be made through the newly created zone.

Creating Custom Nameservers

Start by creating new child nameservers for your domain. Each entry needs to point to the VPS dedicated IP address. On Hostinger, you may easily do it using the domain management panel.

[Creating child nameservers on Hostinger]

Setting Up a DNS Zone on VPS

The next step is setting up a DNS zone for your domain on the virtual server. Connect to your VPS via SSH and go to:

    cd /etc/bind

Then, create a separate folder for your DNS zone files:

    mkdir -p zones

Access the newly created directory:

    cd zones

Using the nano command, create a new zone file for your domain:

    nano hostinger-tutorials.xyz

Use the following example and REPLACE all IP address and domain instances with your actual domain name and the dedicated IP of your VPS:

    ;
    ; BIND data file for hostinger-tutorials.xyz
    ;
    $TTL    3h
    @       IN      SOA     ns1.hostinger-tutorials.xyz. admin.hostinger-tutorials.xyz. (
                              1        ; Serial
                              3h       ; Refresh after 3 hours
                              1h       ; Retry after 1 hour
                              1w       ; Expire after 1 week
                              1h )     ; Negative caching TTL of 1 day
    ;
    @       IN      NS      ns1.hostinger-tutorials.xyz.
    @       IN      NS      ns2.hostinger-tutorials.xyz.

    hostinger-tutorials.xyz.    IN      MX      10      hostinger-tutorials.xyz.
    hostinger-tutorials.xyz.    IN      A       153.92.211.25
    ns1                     IN      A       153.92.211.25
    ns2                     IN      A       153.92.211.25
    www                     IN      CNAME   hostinger-tutorials.xyz.
    mail                    IN      A       153.92.211.25
    ftp                     IN      CNAME   hostinger-tutorials.xyz.

Save the file by pressing CTRL+X and confirm the changes. The next task is inserting it in the default bind configuration:

    cd /etc/bind
    nano named.conf.local

Add the following lines in the bottom and make sure to edit the file name with the real values:

    zone "hostinger-tutorials.xyz" {
           type master;
           file "/etc/bind/zones/hostinger-tutorials.xyz";
    };

It is also recommended to use a stable DNS forwarder. In this demonstration, we’ll use Google Public DNS by editing the NAMED.CONF.OPTIONS file:

    nano named.conf.options

Locate the following lines:

    // forwarders {
    //      0.0.0.0;
    // };

Edit them and according to this example:

    forwarders {
                8.8.4.4;
           };

Now, all necessary values have been added. Double check if DNS zone file syntax is correct by executing:

    named-checkzone hostinger-tutorials.xyz /etc/bind/zones/hostinger-tutorials.xyz

If the task was done correctly, the output should be similar to:

[DNS zone checkup using named-checkzone command]Lastly, restart the DNS bind service and make sure it’s running:

    /etc/init.d/bind9 restart
    /etc/init.d/bind9 start

Changing Nameservers

Since all pieces of the puzzle have been gathered, the last step is changing the nameservers of your domain to the newly created ones. On Hostinger, you may do it through the domain management panel.

[Applying custom nameservers to a domain registered on Hostinger]

Keep in mind that DNS propagation may take UP TO 24 HOURS, thus you’ll have to wait at least an hour or two before everything is fully operational. To speed things up, you may flush DNS and clear browser cache. You may also use online DNS checkup tools to confirm the functionality of your newly created zone. Once the DNS finishes propagating, you will see a default loading page while accessing your domain through the browser.

[]

Bonus – Setting Up Reverse DNS

In some cases, you may be required to set up a reverse DNS record. Hostinger simplifies this process with an inbuilt tool at the bottom of your server management panel.

[Adding a reverse PTR record on Hostinger]

Once added, keep in mind that it can take a few hours to propagate before the record is fully active.

Final Word

In this tutorial, we’ve learned two different methods of pointing a domain name to a virtual private server. It’s also important to remember that DNS changes can take at least a few hours to propagate worldwide.

Once the domain starts working with your VPS, the real journey begins. A good place to start is creating a virtual host and installing LAMP.

In case you have any questions, suggestions, or cool tips, make sure to share them in the comments below!

question: Summarize the method titles in the text.

answer: One method is "pointing domain to VPS via a record." Another method is "pointing domain to VPS via custom nameservers. Both methods point a domain name to a virtual private server.

question: Summarize everything the text says about public servers.


text:
_THE SECRET POLICEMAN_[1] is a documentary about an undercover reporter that reveals racism among police recruits in Manchester, England. It was screened by the BBC in October 2003. It was filmed by Mark Daly, an investigative journalist, who joined the Greater Manchester Police Service and spent several months undercover at the Bruche National Training Centre in Warrington, Cheshire. He filmed episodes of racist behaviour among some recruits and their trainers.

Bruche National Training Centre

Bruche National Training Centre, Warrington, Cheshire, was operational between 1946 and May 2006. The facility provided initial training to new police officers.

Police training

In 2002, a “Training Matters Report” by Her Majesty's Inspector of Constabulary (HMI) indicated that police training was not fit for purpose.[2] The principal concern of the report was that police officers were not given enough training regarding the policing of diverse communities.[3] The report was influenced by the findings of the “Macpherson Report”.[4] The training of police officers had already begun a restructuring process prior to the broadcast of _The Secret Policeman._ The documentary sparked further restructuring which led to the Initial Police Learning and Development Programme (IPLDP), which was implemented by the Home Office in April 2005.[5]

Macpherson Report

The initial scope of the Macpherson inquiry was the murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993. However, it later expanded into a broader examination of racism within the police service, defining the term “institutional racism” as “the collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. It can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people”.[6]

The documentary

On 27 January 2003, Mark Daly, an undercover journalist, joined the Greater Manchester Police Service (GMP) to investigate racism within the police service.[7] In the previous year, the Chief Constable had said that his police force was “institutionally racist”.[8] Most of the filming was completed during fifteen weeks of training at Bruche and it exposed racism among some of the police officers.[9] PC Rob Pulling from North Wales Police was captured on film stating that Stephen Lawrence “deserved it”, his parents were “spongers” and that the murders granted “diplomatic immunity”. He further stated that he would, “bury an Asian under the train track”.[10] Additionally, he wore a pillowcase over his head and pretended to be a member of the Ku Klux Klan.[11] Furthermore, he admitted to engaging in an unprovoked attack on an Asian man.[12] In addition to PC Pulling, the other police officers exposed during the filming were PC Keith Cheshire, North Wales Police,[13] PC Andy Hall, PC Carl Jones, PC Tony Lewin, PC Adrian Harrison, PC Andy Turley, GMP, and PC Steve Salkeld, Cheshire Police.[14] On 21 October 2003, the documentary was broadcast and made national headlines.[15] David Blunkett, the Home Secretary, and various senior police officers condemned the racist behaviour of the police officers exposed as a result of the documentary.[16] However, there were criticisms about the use of undercover journalism to study the topic.[17]

Resignations

After the broadcast, ten police officers resigned, twelve police officers were disciplined and three police trainers were removed from their positions.[18]

Arrest of Mark Daly

Mark Daly continued as a police officer after his training at Bruche, and worked at the Hazel Grove Police Station in Stockport.[19] In August 2003, GMP received an anonymous tip-off about the documentary[20] and he was arrested on his way to work.[21] The GMP accused him of “obtaining a pecuniary advantage by deception” because he had claimed a police-constable salary whilst working undercover.[22] The Crown Prosecution Service found that there was insufficient evidence to proceed with the prosecution.[23]

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title: The Secret Policeman

question: What does the story say about making the documentary The Secret Policeman?

answer: Mark Daly is an undercover journalist who joined the Greater Manchester Police Service to investigate racism within the police service. PC Rob Pulling from North Wales Police was captured on film stating he would “bury an Asian under the train track” and that he was engaged in an unprovoked attack on an Asian man. Furthermore, he wore a pillowcase over his head and pretended to be a member of the Ku Klux Klan. Various senior police officers condemned the racist behavior of the police officers exposed as a result of the documentary. However, there were criticisms about the use of undercover journalism to study the topic.

question: What does the story say about crime statistics in the UK?


text:
MORGAN COUNTY is a county located in the U.S. state of Kentucky. As of the 2010 census, the population was 13,923.[1] Its county seat is West Liberty.[2] The county is among the dry counties, which means that the sale of alcohol is restricted or prohibited.

History

Morgan County was formed on December 7, 1822 from portions of Bath County and Floyd County.[3] It was named for Daniel Morgan, a distinguished general in the American Revolutionary War.[4]

The history of Christian churches in the county was documented in A History of the Churches of Christ in Morgan County Kentucky, a thesis by Luke Bolin in 1941, which included pictures of churches and group pictures of people associated with the churches.

Morgan County was hit by an EF3 tornado on March 2, 2012, which cost the lives of six people and injured many others. Following the tornado, Morgan County's population decreased, but the county seat still has a strong population for a small town.

Morgan County had begun building a new court house in 2011, but the tornado delayed its construction to late 2013.

Geography

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, the county has a total area of , of which is land and (0.7%) is water.[5]

Adjacent counties

-   Rowan County (northwest)
-   Elliott County (north)
-   Lawrence County (northeast)
-   Johnson County (east)
-   Magoffin County (southeast)
-   Wolfe County (southwest)
-   Menifee County (west)

National protected area

-   Daniel Boone National Forest (part)

Demographics

As of the census[6] of 2000, there were 13,948 people, 4,752 households, and 3,568 families residing in the county. The population density was . There were 5,487 housing units at an average density of . The racial makeup of the county was 94.59% White, 4.38% Black or African American, 0.15% Native American, 0.16% Asian, 0.01% Pacific Islander, 0.06% from other races, and 0.65% from two or more races. 0.61% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.

There were 4,752 households, out of which 34.80% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 62.40% were married couples living together, 9.20% had a female householder with no husband present, and 24.90% were non-families. 22.60% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.30% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.55 and the average family size was 2.97.

In the county, the population was spread out, with 22.40% under the age of 18, 10.60% from 18 to 24, 32.90% from 25 to 44, 22.30% from 45 to 64, and 11.80% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 36 years. For every 100 females there were 123.30 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 128.40 males.

The median income for a household in the county was $21,869, and the median income for a family was $26,135. Males had a median income of $23,966 versus $18,463 for females. The per capita income for the county was $12,657. 27.20% of the population and 23.50% of families were below the poverty line. Out of the total people living in poverty, 33.90% are under the age of 18 and 28.50% are 65 or older.

Politics

  Year                               Republican                                  Democratic                                  Third parties
  ---------------------------------- ------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------- ---------------
  style=“text-align:center;” |2016   style=“text-align:center;” |76.0% _3,628_   style=“text-align:center;” |21.1% _1,006_   3.0% _141_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2012   style=“text-align:center;” |67.6% _3,021_   style=“text-align:center;” |30.6% _1,369_   1.8% _82_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2008   style=“text-align:center;” |54.7% _2,396_   style=“text-align:center;” |42.9% _1,879_   2.4% _104_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2004   style=“text-align:center;” |50.9% _2,682_   style=“text-align:center;” |48.0% _2,532_   1.1% _58_
  style=“text-align:center;” |2000   style=“text-align:center;” |54.1% _2,295_   style=“text-align:center;” |44.2% _1,875_   1.7% _70_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1996   style=“text-align:center;” |38.9% _1,439_   style=“text-align:center;” |49.9% _1,843_   11.2% _413_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1992   style=“text-align:center;” |28.1% _1,239_   style=“text-align:center;” |60.2% _2,655_   11.7% _517_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1988   style=“text-align:center;” |38.0% _1,452_   style=“text-align:center;” |61.0% _2,329_   0.9% _36_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1984   style=“text-align:center;” |42.4% _1,834_   style=“text-align:center;” |57.3% _2,481_   0.4% _15_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1980   style=“text-align:center;” |34.5% _1,450_   style=“text-align:center;” |64.3% _2,698_   1.2% _51_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1976   style=“text-align:center;” |25.0% _973_     style=“text-align:center;” |74.3% _2,897_   0.7% _27_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1972   style=“text-align:center;” |45.6% _1,535_   style=“text-align:center;” |53.9% _1,815_   0.6% _19_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1968   style=“text-align:center;” |33.9% _1,341_   style=“text-align:center;” |56.1% _2,222_   10.1% _398_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1964   style=“text-align:center;” |14.1% _546_     style=“text-align:center;” |84.7% _3,293_   1.2% _48_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1960   style=“text-align:center;” |37.1% _1,718_   style=“text-align:center;” |62.9% _2,910_   0.0% _0_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1956   style=“text-align:center;” |37.2% _1,878_   style=“text-align:center;” |62.7% _3,164_   0.1% _6_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1952   style=“text-align:center;” |29.3% _1,311_   style=“text-align:center;” |70.6% _3,161_   0.1% _4_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1948   style=“text-align:center;” |21.9% _987_     style=“text-align:center;” |77.5% _3,488_   0.5% _24_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1944   style=“text-align:center;” |27.3% _1,217_   style=“text-align:center;” |72.6% _3,242_   0.1% _5_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1940   style=“text-align:center;” |26.7% _1,509_   style=“text-align:center;” |73.3% _4,148_   0.0% _0_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1936   style=“text-align:center;” |28.0% _1,269_   style=“text-align:center;” |71.9% _3,256_   0.1% _6_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1932   style=“text-align:center;” |25.7% _1,435_   style=“text-align:center;” |74.1% _4,137_   0.2% _12_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1928   style=“text-align:center;” |44.0% _2,025_   style=“text-align:center;” |56.0% _2,575_   0.0% _0_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1924   style=“text-align:center;” |35.1% _1,805_   style=“text-align:center;” |64.4% _3,311_   0.5% _28_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1920   style=“text-align:center;” |34.9% _1,802_   style=“text-align:center;” |64.8% _3,347_   0.3% _17_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1916   style=“text-align:center;” |32.4% _1,123_   style=“text-align:center;” |67.0% _2,319_   0.6% _21_
  style=“text-align:center;” |1912   style=“text-align:center;” |45.5% _876_     style=“text-align:center;” |41.5% _800_     13.0% _250_

  : PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS RESULTS[7]

Communities

City

-   West Liberty (county seat)

Census-designated place

-   Ezel

Other unincorporated places

-   Caney
-   Cannel City
-   Cottle
-   Crockett
-   Dingus
-   Elamton
-   Elkfork
-   Grassy Creek
-   Lenox
-   Malone
-   Mima
-   Mize
-   Moon
-   Ophir
-   Relief
-   Stacy Fork
-   White Oak
-   Wrigley
-   Yocum
-   Zag

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title: Morgan County, Kentucky

question: Where is Morgan County located?

answer: Morgan County is located in the U.S. state of Kentucky.

question: Summarize the formation of Morgan County.

answer: Morgan County was formed on December 7, 1822 from portions of Bath County and Floyd County. It was named after Daniel Morgan, a distinguished general in the American Revolutionary War.

question: What are the demographics of the county?

answer: As of the 2000 census, there were 13948 people living in the county. The racial makeup of the county was 94% White, 4% Black, 0.15% Native American, 0.16% Asian, and 0.61% were Hispanic or Latino of any race.


text:
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The PSNI has said that nine people have been arrested after an event by Republican Sinn Fein in Lurgan.

The 'un-notified' event to commemorate the Easter Rising took place in the Kilwilkee estate.

One woman was injured and police said that enquiries are ongoing.

Chief Inspector Jon Burrows said: "Police have made 9 arrests following an un-notified procession along Levin Road, Lurgan at 1.00pm today, Saturday, 31 March.

"This procession involved a group of 8 persons dressed in paramilitary style uniforms and wearing masks.

"Eight persons have been arrested on suspicion of offences under Section 13(1) of the Terrorism Act 2000 (wearing uniform and carrying items which give cause to believe he or she was a supporter of a proscribed organisation) and taking part in an un-notified procession under Section 6 of the Public Processions (NI) Act 1998. A ninth person was arrested on suspicion of assault on a police officer and obstruction.

"Those who engage in un-notified parades wearing masks and paramilitary style uniforms do not represent the majority of people who live in north Lurgan, in indeed many of those who participate in this event every year are not from the local community and do not live in Lurgan.

"There have been similar parades in previous years organised by the same group and repeated prosecutions for related offences, the Police have attempted to engage with members of this group advising them to comply with their legal responsibilities in relation to processions.

"The police service have reported a number of people to the PPS over the past number of years in relation to this event and a significant number of people have been successfully prosecuted.

He added: “A woman was injured during this incident and she has been taken to hospital. Our enquiries are ongoing."

question: What were the people participating in the parade doing?

answer: The people participating in the parade were commemorating the Easter Rising and were potentially trying to raise awareness for their cause.


text:
It's a rare day that a fight breaks out among teens and no one busts out their phone to film it. But things were different at Isiah Lea's high school. No WorldstarHipHop upload was worth catching the attention of the school resource officer (SRO), a uniformed cop assigned to patrol the halls. Even the students sparring would be looking over their shoulder. Best case, they'd be caught by a teacher, who would send them to the office; an SRO, on the other hand, might put them up against a locker and arrest them right there in the hallway.

Mr. Lea, who is black, said that going to school with the SRO brought the anxieties of his Jane and Finch neighbourhood into the classroom every single day.

"Youth [were] peeking around the corner to see if there were officers around," recalls Mr. Lea, now a 22-year-old artist and community organizer. "Or students [were] just not going to school altogether because their family was in a [bad] situation and selling weed and they didn't want to have anything to do with that."

The Toronto District School Board's SRO program has been in place for 10 years but only became a flashpoint for serious debate this spring after many activist groups, composed of parents, community members and educators, argued that it was making classrooms intimidating spaces for racialized, undocumented and Indigenous kids and contributing to a school-to-prison pipeline.

In late August, the TDSB voted to temporarily suspend its program pending an internal review. In addition to distributing surveys to its students, this past week, the school board kicked off a series of community consultations. The public dialogue has put a spotlight on other GTA boards, some of which have hosted police in their schools for decades with little scrutiny. While the scope and scale of these programs differ widely from Hamilton to Markham, activists say police have no place in schools, period.

At the centre of the debate is the reason behind the program: while school boards and police services say it's primarily to forge better relations between officers and the community, opponents say the unstated aim is for police to surveil and then collect crime-related information from students in close quarters.

There are also concerns some boards are targeting schools with marginalized populations.

The debate is happening at a time when the needs of racialized students, particularly black males, have become a priority in the province. According to data collected by the TDSB in 2006 and 2011, graduation rates for black students were disproportionately lower than those of non-black students, while rates of suspensions from school were higher. Ontario's anti-racism strategic plan, released earlier this year, includes a $47-million action plan for black youth. Last year, the TDSB created a black student achievement advisory committee and the Peel District School Board launched an action plan to support black male students.

"If these school boards take an equity lens, and if they say that even one student being affected negatively by this program is one too many, all of the evidence is already there. We don't need more reviews. We need action," said Phillip Morgan, a member of the activist group Education Not Incarceration.

At the TDSB, the SRO program was launched in 2007 following the shooting death of 15-year-old Jordan Manners at C.W. Jefferys Collegiate Institute, a school Mr. Lea also attended. A few months after the boy's death, lawyer Julian Falconer published a report with a long list of recommendations for the TDSB, including hiring more social workers and youth counsellors and bringing in small, non-threatening dogs to detect drugs in lockers – but specified they should be handled by "board employees, not uniformed police officers."

The TDSB went beyond the recommendations and assigned officers to work in high schools in the city – until the program was suspended, there were 27 officers at 45 schools. The schools were selected after consultations with trustees, staff, parents and the community, says board spokesperson Ryan Bird. Critics note that many of the chosen schools have large populations of racialized students, particularly black ones.

Current statistics reflect the long-simmering tension between law enforcement and the black community in the city: More than half of Toronto's black population has been stopped by police in public, according to the Black Experience Project, a multiyear study led by the Environics Institute for Survey Research. When it came to black men between the ages of 25 and 44, almost 80 per cent said they'd been stopped by cops in public.

Mr. Lea grew up having regular interactions with police in his neighbourhood from a young age. Once, when hanging out with friends at a community basketball court, a police officer approached and his friends scattered. The officer pressed Mr. Lea, then just eight years old, against a fence and asked him several questions. What happened that day impacted how he perceived police, including the ones he saw at school.

"I learned how to avoid them and keep my head low and blend in," he said.

Mr. Lea remembers that, during his time at C.W. Jefferys and Westview Centennial Collegiates, SROs stopped black and South Asian male students most often. And it was understood that students who willingly engaged with police, in or out of school, were destined to be unpopular. "If a cop came to speak to one person, the hallway would be deserted," Mr. Lea says.

But not all SROs are received that way by students at their assigned schools.

At W. H. Ballard Elementary School in Hamilton this week, police Constable Jackie Masters stood in front of a mostly white Grade 3 class and fielded questions. "Do you have a gun?" "Is that a Taser?" "Can kids go to jail?" In full uniform, she stopped to speak with students at their desks. One came by and hugged her.

"I'm just a regular person," she said to a group of children. "You don't have to be shy with me."

Constable Masters is one of 11 police officers who work with elementary and high schools in the Hamilton area. Police are generally invited by school administrators to do presentations on topics such as bullying, but Constable Masters also stops by the school when she's nearby. She is the community services officer to W. H. Ballard and 45 other schools. Her work includes presentations on policing, participating in restorative justice circles, helping with school lockdown drills and occasionally meeting with families if they need support.

She said that she finds the program rewarding, because police officers are able to spread "positive messages" and provide support and guidance to young people. She said she hoped the program also allowed for students to feel more comfortable asking a police officer for help.

At one school in York Region (where 18 SROs are shared between 70 high schools in three regional school boards), there was an issue with bullying and feuding among several groups of students; the assigned SRO hauled in a broken piece of heavy machinery, dumped it in the shop class and challenged the students to work together to repair it. Female officers have started an all-female running group with girls at the schools where they're stationed, others have developed sports programming for newcomers.

The Durham District School Board has been piloting an SRO program at three high schools and three elementary schools for the past three years and its officers coach sports teams and run charitable events.

Individuals involved with the programs at all the public boards in the GTA emphasized that building a sense of trust between students and police was one of the key aims of the SRO program.

But Desmond Cole, an activist and journalist who has called for the end of SRO programs, is troubled by this goal.

"All this rapport building and everything, it's about establishing relationships so they can get information from young people. And often, that information is going to be used against young people in ways they can't understand," he said.

Many of those who have spoken out against SROs say there is value in the anti-bullying or drug-awareness presentations officers make in classrooms, but that there is no need for police to be delivering that information to students – it should come from guidance counsellors, social workers and other support staff.

"What we need is properly funded schools," says Andrea Vasquez Jimenez, co-chair of the Latinx, Afro-Latin-America, Abya Yala Education Network, another group that has spoken out against the program. "We don't need SRO presence in our schools. We need schools to get back to teaching, learning and feeling safe for all our students."

Of particular concern to Ms. Vásquez Jiménez are the many undocumented students she hears from who fear their immigration status might be revealed to an SRO, who might then report it to the Canada Border Services Agency. The TDSB has a "don't ask don't tell" policy when it comes to students' immigration status, but Ms. Vasquez Jimenez says she worries police in schools don't adhere to it.

Until this point, all evaluations of SRO programs have been done internally, usually by the school boards or police services that operate them. While Toronto Police Services has assigned Ryerson University the task of evaluating Toronto's SRO program, Mr. Cole points out the city's chief of police is one of the members of the review's steering committee.

For the past two and a half years, Linda Duxbury, a business professor at Carleton University's Sprott School of Business, has conducted a review of Peel's SRO program. Dr. Duxbury and her team surveyed 1,000 Grade 9 students at the beginning of the school year and then again in March about their perceptions of safety and their feelings about police; officers, administrators and staff were also interviewed.

Though the results won't be published until October, Dr. Duxbury said they were positive and she was pleased to see the regional police service maintaining its program at all schools, rather than following the lead of many other police services, who have cut back on their school resource officers over the years as a cost-saving measure.

"I think Peel should be congratulated for having the guts not to do that," she said. "The fact that they're saying, in times of budget crunch, [they're] still going to protect the proactive, relationship-building, community police that everybody says they want but costs money."

She said the great strength of the program was that it placed officers in all schools – as opposed to select ones as the TDSB does. In Peel Region, police officers are assigned to each school within the public and Catholic boards as part of a program that has run for 20 years.

But even while Dr. Duxbury's study was under way, the Peel board had already turned the microscope on itself. In 2016, it conducted a series of focus groups with 87 black male high school students about how they felt about school. Black students said they felt teachers had low expectations of them, and that other students, teachers and police were quick to judge them based on their appearance. These students also said that police blamed them for incidents in school without asking questions. In the community, police stopped or randomly pulled them over more frequently than they did non-black students. The board announced a series of measures to address the issue, including anti-black racism and bias awareness training and mentoring programs.

In a previous report in 2015, published by several organizations, including United Way of Peel Region, black youth reported feeling isolated and marginalized in the education system for a number of reasons, including teachers' low expectations of them, the absence of black culture in the curriculum, relatively few black teachers in schools and the presence of police in schools, which "often strikes fear and mistrust in black students."

Mr. Cole is dismissive of the reviews being conducted – whether or not they're independent – because to him, what's important is how the minority of students feel, not the majority.

"They don't mind if three or four out of 10 of our kids get kicked out school, get suspended from school, get put in lower streaming programs," he said. "Any evaluation needs to be weighed in that light: That says not all the kids' experiences are being valued equally. The kids that are experiencing the most difficulty are the least valued."

question: Summarize the thoughts of Linda Duxbury.

answer: Linda Duxbury, a business professor at Carleton University's, conducted a review of Peel's SRO program. She said the results of the review were positive. She was pleased to see the regional police service maintaining its school program at all schools, rather than following the lead of many other police services, who have cut back on their school resource officers. Duxbury believes Peel should be congratulated for having the guts to not cut back on officers for budget purposes. She thinks that the great strength of the program was that it placed officers in all schools - as opposed to select ones as the TDSB does.

question: What does the text say about Mr.Lea's thoughts on police?

answer: As a black man, Mr.Lea said that going to school with the SRO brought back the anxieties of his Jane and Finch neighborhood into the classroom every single day. Lea notes that students were peeking around to see if officers were around or avoiding class altogether.  He grew up with regular interactions with police in his neighborhood that impacted the way he perceived police, even those he saw at school. He says he learned to avoid them and keep his head down. Mr.Lea noted that the officers seemed to have targeted black and South Asian male students the most. He also said that classmates who willingly engaged with the officers were destined to be unpopular.

question: What does the text say about why the Toronto District School Boards SRO program is under serious debate?

answer: The TDSB's SRO program was a flashpoint for serious debate at the time of the article after many activist groups, composed of parents, community members and educators, argued that it was making classrooms intimidating spaces for racialized, undocumented and indigenous kids and contributing to a school-to-prison pipeline. At the end of August, TDSB voted to temporarily suspend its program pending an internal review. The schoolboard kicked off a series of community consultations, and a lot of activists said police have no place in school despite the positive experiences of other schools. At the center of the debate was the reason behind the program. Some said its to forge better relations between officers and the community, but opponents said the unstated aim is for police to surveil and then collect crime-related information from students in close quarters. The debate came at a time when the needs of racialized students, particularly black males, have become a priority to the province.

question: What does the text say about racialized students and TDSB officers in school?

answer: The TDSB went beyond recommendations and assigned officers to work in high schools in the city. Critics found that many of the chosen schools have large population so of racialized students, particularly black ones. People are questioning the use of these officers as racialized students have become a priority in the province. Some critics say that the officers make classrooms intimidating spaces for racialized, undocumented, and Indigenous kids and and contributing to a school-to-prison pipeline. This reflects the long-simmering tension between law enforcement and the black community in the city.

question: Summarize the context around Desmond Cole being troubled by the goal of SRO programs.

answer: The Durham District School Board was piloting an SRO program at three high schools and three elementary schools for the past three years. Its officers coach sports teams and run charitable events. Those who were involved with the programs at all the public boards in the GTA emphasized that building a sense of trust between students and police was one of their main goals. Desmond Cole, an activist and journalist, was troubled by this goal. He feels that the rapport building is about establishing relationships so they can get information from young people. He says that information is going to be used against young people in ways they can't understand.

question: What does the text say about college acceptance rates?