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Interlocking Directorates in the Corporate Community

Interlocking directorates -- defined as the linkages among corporations created by individuals who sit on two or more corporate boards -- have been a source of research attention since the Progressive Era at the turn of the 20th century, when they were used by famous muckraking journalists, and future Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis, to claim that a few large commercial and investment banks controlled most major corporations.

Today corporate interlocks are analyzed with bigger databases and sophisticated network programs, thanks to desktop computers. The databases are large matrices that contain information on the linkages between persons and groups. Either a corporate/organizational network, based on common directors, or an interpersonal/social network, based on shared board memberships, can be derived from these matrices. That is, the matrices contain a "duality of persons and groups" (Breiger, 1974). This is worth mentioning because this essay will discuss both "corporate networks," that is, the linkages among corporations created by interlocking directorates, and "social networks," that is, the linkages among people by virtue of the fact that they sit on the same corporate board.

The conclusions from the more recent studies are very different from those drawn 100 years ago, probably because the interlocks now mean something different than they did back then. Interlocks used to have the strategic purpose of tying corporations together for economic advantage for the owners. Today they are more the incidental by-product of recruiting a diverse and experienced group of individuals who have a variety of skills and connections to bring to the table.

It's also important to note that most corporate directors are not interlocking directors. Even when a large number of companies are included in the database, making the possibilities for interlocks much greater, only about 15-20% of corporate directors sit on two or more corporate boards. And even fewer, of course, sit on three, four, five, or six boards, although they are the people who tie the network together. They are "linchpins," as one research team puts it (Davis, Yoo, & Baker, 2002).

Before we examine how changes came about in the corporate network, let's look at present-day interlocks in a step-by-step fashion.

Corporate Interlocks

We might as well start with Citigroup -- the largest commercial bank in the United States as of 2005 -- and the 25 corporations it is linked to. This colorful diagram is made possible courtesy of the "Board Analyst" tool on TheCorporateLibrary.com. It shows how 13 people create "interlocks" (also called "links" or "network ties") between Citigroup and 25 other corporations. Two of the 25, Alcoa and Comcast, share two directors with Citigroup, so they have a "double interlock." None of the 25 corporations linked to Citigroup is a bank because interlocks between companies in the same business sector are illegal due to past agitation about the possible negative effects of interlocking directorships.

Next we can look at the interlocks among the 25 companies that interlock with Citigroup, an analysis that is based on all the directors of these corporations. The linkages are first presented in Table 1 in a form that makes them easy to understand. Notice that most of the companies are not interlocked with each other. Twelve companies have only one or two links to the other 25. Two companies, Pepsico and EDS (zillionaire H. Ross Perot's data management company), have six interlocks.

TABLE 1: THE CONNECTIONS AMONG THE 25 CORPORATIONS LINKED TO CITIGROUP (BASED ON ALL DIRECTORS OF THE 25 CORPORATIONS)

  Company (# of connections)          Connected companies
  ----------------------------------- --------------------------------------------------------------------------------
  1. Aetna (4)                        American Air Lines, Comcast, Electronic Data Systems, Lucent
  2. Alcoa (4)                        DuPont, Johnson & Johnson, Lucent, PepsiCo
  3. American Airlines (4)            Aetna, Comcast, Electronic Data Systems, Time Warner
  4. AT&T (2)                         Calpine, Halliburton
  5. Automatic Data Processing (1)    Johnson & Johnson
  6. Calpine (2)                      AT&T, Hallburton
  7. Comcast (4)                      Aetna, American Air Lines, Electronic Data Systems, Hospital Corp. of America
  8. Cummins Engine (2)               Raytheon, Schlumberger
  9. DuPont (2)                       Alcoa, Hospital Corp. of America
  10. Electronic Data Systems (6)     Aetna, American Airlines, Comcast, Halliburton, PepsiCo, Target
  11. Estée Lauder (2)                Ford Motors, Time Warner
  12. Ford Motors (1)                 Estée Lauder
  13. Halliburton (5)                 AT&T, Calpine, Electronic Data Systems, Lyondell, PepsiCo
  14. Hospital Corp. of America (2)   Comcast, DuPont
  15. Johnson & Johnson (4)           Alcoa, Automatic Data Processing, Lucent, PepsiCo
  16. Lucent (5)                      Aetna, Alcoa, Johnson & Johnson, PepsiCo, Time Warner
  17. Lyondell (2)                    Halliburton, Raytheon
  18. PepsiCo (6)                     Alcoa, Electronic Data Systems, Halliburton, Johnson & Johnson, Lucent, Target
  19. Raytheon (3)                    Cummins, Lyondell, Schlumberger
  20. Schlumberger (3)                Cummins, Raytheon, United Technologies
  21. Target (4)                      Electronic Data Systems, PepsiCo, Xerox, Yum! Brands
  22. Time Warner (3)                 American Airlines, Estée Lauder, Lucent
  23. United Technologies (1)         Schlumberger
  24. Xerox (1)                       Target
  25. Yum! Brands (1)                 Target

Table 2, below, presents the entire matrix, so that you can see there are relatively few links: only 37 out of 300 possible connections.

TABLE 2: THE INTERLOCKS AMONG THE 25 CORPORATIONS THAT ARE INTERLOCKED WITH CITIGROUP (X=INTERLOCK)

  -------------------------- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ----
                             01   02   03   04   05   06   07   08   09   10   11   12   13   14   15   16   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25
  01. Aetna                            x                   x              x                             x
  02. Alcoa                                                          x                             x    x         x
  03. American Airlines      x                             x              x                                                           x
  04. AT&T                                            x                                  x
  05. Automatic Data Proc.                                                                         x
  06. Calpine                               x                                            x
  07. Comcast                x         x                                  x                   x
  08. Cummins Engine                                                                                x    x
  09. DuPont                      x                                                           x
  10. Electronic Data Sys.   x         x                   x                             x                        x              x
  11. Estée Lauder                                                                  x                                                 x
  12. Ford Motors                                                              x
  13. Halliburton                           x         x                   x                                  x    x
  14. HCA                                                  x         x
  15. Johnson & Johnson           x              x                                                      x         x
  16. Lucent                 x    x                                                                x              x                   x
  17. Lyondell                                                                           x                             x
  18. PepsiCo                     x                                       x              x         x    x                        x
  19. Raytheon                                                  x                                            x              x
  20. Schlumberger                                              x                                                      x                   x
  21. Target                                                              x                                       x                             x    x
  22. Time Warner                      x                                       x                        x
  23. United Technologies                                                                                x
  24. Xerox                                                                                x
  25. Yum! Brands                                                                                x
  TOTAL                      4    4    4    2    1    2    4    2    2    6    2    1    5    2    4    5    2    6    3    3    4    3    1    1    1
  -------------------------- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ---- ----

For my purposes here, however, this matrix is just a way station on the path to a visual representation of the full network, which includes the interlocks between Citigroup and each of the other 25 corporations. This network was created by Nicholas Harrigan of Australian National University using the graphic visualization software called "NetDraw," available from www.analytictech.com. (The two darker lines in the diagram represent the double interlocks with Alcoa and Comcast, which were mentioned earlier.)

We also can determine the interlocks that the 153 directors of these 25 companies create with still other companies. According to TheCorporateLibrary.com, they are also directors at an additional 214 corporations. From this example, it is easy to see why researchers claim there is one big corporate community based on interlocking directorates.

However, to make sure Citigroup is not atypical, we can glance at another big and important bank in 2005, J.P. Morgan Chase. What makes this bank a little extra interesting is that J. P. Morgan was the infamous financier of 100 years ago whose financial companies were said to control dozens of corporations, and probably did (Chernow, 1990). As for the "Chase" part of the name, the Chase Manhattan Bank was the home base for the huge Rockefeller fortune from the 1930s until fairly recently. Sure enough, J.P. Morgan has links to 23 other companies, including double interlocks with Honeywell and Merck.

It's also noteworthy that two companies, Ford Motors and Yum! Brands, have interlocks with both Citigroup and J.P. Morgan Chase, which of course means there are organizational links between those two large banks.

It's also possible, thanks to TheCorporateLibrary.com, to examine the links between corporations and various nonprofit organizations, such as foundations, think tanks, and charities. Some social scientists say these nonprofits are part of a "Third Sector," implying they are an independent force separate from private corporations and government, but I think they are mistaken. The nonprofits are linked to the corporate community, not only by the interlocks shown below, but by financial gifts from the corporations as well. To the right is the nonprofit network around Citigroup created by its directors.

And here's the nonprofit network created by directors of J.P. Morgan Chase.

Just to add to the complexity of these nonprofit links, let's note that there are eight organizations that are in both the Citigroup and J.P. Morgan Chase networks, which means eight more organizational links between the two banks in addition to the two created by Ford Motors and Yum! Brands. I'll leave it to you to spot those eight organizations if you are into that sort of thing, except to say that one of them, Catalyst, is dedicated to helping women advance in the corporate community.

Corporate Centrality

"Centrality" is a concept with two components, a large number of interlocks, plus the degree to which those interlocks are with other companies with a large number of interlocks. In the past, banks were invariably the most central organizations in the corporate network, but not any more. In a study of centrality using interlocking directorates among 100 corporations and 109 nonprofits, Citigroup and J. P. Morgan Chase, both headquartered in New York, were among the 10 most central organizations, but they were joined by Sara Lee in Chicago and 3M in St. Paul, which by coincidence were the 104th and 105th largest corporations on the Fortune 500 list a few years ago (Moore, Sobieraj, Whitt, Mayorova, & Beaulieu, 2002, Table 3). According to TheCorporateLibrary.com, in 2004 Sara Lee had ten directors who linked to 31 other companies, which in turn linked to 267 companies, and 3M had 11 directors who linked to 31 other companies, which in turn linked to 297 more companies. In looking at the Sara Lee and 3M networks, keep an eye out for any companies they might share in common.

So what is going on here? How did these two relatively minor corporations move to the center of the network? Before I provide the answer, which is very simple, and has to do with diversity and multiculturalism, it will be useful to look briefly at the history of interlocks.

A quick history of interlocks

The first corporate directors, and interlocking directors, appeared in the 1790s in the incorporation papers for New England textile mills owned in common by subgroups of wealthy men who were part of an overall group. So, to take a hypothetical example, Persons 1, 2, and 3 owned Company A, and Persons 1, 4, and 5 owned Company B, Persons 2, 3, and 6 owned company C, and so on. In this case it is clear that the interlocking directors are also common owners. We also know that these people sat together on bank boards very shortly thereafter, if not immediately. By 1845 a group of 80 men, known to historians as the "Boston Associates," controlled 31 textile companies that accounted for 20 percent of the nationwide textile industry. Seventeen of these men served as directors of Boston banks that owned 40 percent of the city's banking capital, 20 were directors of six insurance companies, and 11 sat on the boards of five railroad companies (Dalzell, 1987). It is very likely that these interlocks were used to coordinate the operations of these corporations and to look out for the overall interests of the general ownership group.

Thanks to economist David Bunting's (1983) important original archival research on the origins of the American corporate network, we also know that the major banks and insurance companies in New York City were already tightly interlocked by 1816. In fact, the 10 largest banks and 10 largest insurance companies were linked into one network by their interlocking directors. In 1836, all but two of the 20 largest banks, 10 largest insurance companies, and 10 largest railroads were linked into one common network, with 12 of the 38 companies having an amazing 11 to 26 interlocks, 10 having 6 to 10 interlocks, and 16 having one to 5 interlocks. Even at that time, which is often romanticized as one of small businesses, the 10 largest banks had 70 percent of the bank assets in New York City and 40 percent of the bank assets in the entire state. Most interlocking directors were major capitalists in those days, and were using their directorship positions to coordinate their interests as much as possible.

Bunting (1983) and sociologist Bill Roy (1983; 1997) then carry the story to the early 20th century, showing that most large banks, insurance companies, railroads, and manufacturing companies were part of one big corporate network. But as the 20th century unfolded, things became more complicated. Laws were passed outlawing interlocks among competitors. There were more and more hired managers, and they began to be included on corporate boards. Some rich families, like the Rockefellers, hired people to sit on corporate boards for them. So, the corporate network now included more than just owners and financiers. Still, it remained intact, with banks at the center.

In addition, there was one other subtle change going on. The bankers were less likely to sit on the boards of manufacturing companies, as they did when there was almost surely banker dominance in many corporations. Instead, the heads of the manufacturing companies, sometimes men who had worked their way to the top, went to sit on the bank boards. Maybe banks were becoming places of coordination rather than power centers (Mizruchi, 1982; Mizruchi, 1983). By this point many corporations were thought by scholars and journalists to be just as powerful as commercial and investment banks.

An interview I did in the early 1980s with a retired CEO of a major bank can give us a sense of what boards looked like at that time to a person who was a member of several of them.

Talking with a corporate director about board composition

Frederick G. Larkin was the friend of a friend, or actually, kind of a foster parent or mentor to my friend. A graduate of the Stanford Business School in 1936, he had just retired as the CEO of Security Pacific Bank, where he had worked his way up the executive ladder. I told him I just wanted to ask him about his board experience, and he agreed to an interview. We met on the top floor, the umpteenth floor, of the Security Pacific skyscraper in Los Angeles, which was not a happy setting for me due to a mild height phobia. At noon we walked down a short inside stairs to a fine lunch in the large (and nearly empty) executive dining room. I think he was candid, maybe because my questions were not all that probing, but I also had promised confidentially on the names of the people he talked about. Along the way, he vented about how environmentalists, trade unionists, and prying journalists were screwing everything up.

When I asked about why the various members were on his bank board, it was clear that they were a mix of owners, highly regarded customers, corporate lawyers, and executives whom he respected. Two were people of note in the business world that he thought added luster and visibility to the board. I had not been able to find information on one of the women on the board, but he explained that she was a member of the Chandler family, the super-wealthy family that owned the _Los Angeles Times_, among other things.

When I asked about the boards of other companies he sat on, he confidently stated why he thought each person was on the board. For example, with one small oil company, long since merged out of existence, there were one or two big shareholders, along with a lawyer representing another major owner, and financial advisors. At a company clearly controlled by the owning family, where a son was in charge, the other board members were the company's commercial banker (i.e., Larkin), investment banker, and lawyers, along with two or three executives whose judgment was respected by the owner/CEO.

When we finished he got on an elevator to the roof and took off in a helicopter for the Los Angeles Airport, heading for a meeting of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. (And yes, he was a member of the Bohemian Club.) I took a cab to the airport, relieved that he hadn't offered to give me a ride from that scary setting that I couldn't have handled.

Then things changed somewhat

In the late 1980s and 1990s, banks began to lose some of their centrality. They were still more central than most companies, but they did not have the extensive interlocks they had in the past (Barnes & Ritter, 2001; Davis & Mizruchi, 1999). From my perspective, several things seem to be going on at once. For one, big owners and big financiers are no longer the main board sitters. For another, top-level executives are sitting on each other's boards. There are also some retired political figures who provide entrée to Washington. But there's another issue. Starting in the 1960s, and picking up real steam in the 1980s, corporations were under pressure to diversify their boards in terms of adding women and people of color. My colleague Richard L. Zweigenhaft and I have spelled out this story in great detail (Zweigenhaft & Domhoff, 2003, Chapter 7; Zweigenhaft & Domhoff, 2006; Zweigenhaft & Domhoff, 1998).

However, for all the diversification that has occurred, most corporate directors are white males. The highest diversification figures are for the top 100 corporations, where white men held 71%, of the directorships in 2004, women of any color held 17%, African-Americans held 10%, Latinos 4%, and Asian-Americans 1% (these numbers add up to 103% due to double counting of the women of color). However, these few percent tend to sit on many different boards for the biggest and most visible corporations; for example, 67% of the top 100 companies had at least one African-American director and 99% had at least one woman director in 2004 (Zweigenhaft & Domhoff, 2006). Unlike most directors in the past, the women and African-Americans serving on boards usually are not major financiers or high-level executives in major corporations. They often come from the worlds of government, politics, sports, or celebrity, or own their own small businesses.

(Brief research digression: For anyone who might want to do more research on this issue in a year-by-year fashion for 1987 through 1998, there is an untapped resource that sits in many libraries as well as in the money-raising offices at large universities. Created by Jeannette E. Glynn, a retired librarian for the Bank of America, it's called _Who Knows Who_. It has two main sections, "Director-to-Director Links" and "Organization-to-Organization Links," for 1,066 corporations and 112 foundations by 1998. The Director-to-Director section provides the companies and fellow directors for each director of the corporations and foundations that are included, and the Organization-to-Organization section lists each corporation's corporate and foundation connections, along with the name of the person who creates the link. There is also a section that lists directors by the number of boards they sit on and a section that lists corporations by the number of organizational links they have.)

  -----------------
  []
  Rozanne Ridgway
  -----------------

So now we return to Sara Lee and 3M. They have many interlocks with other corporations and have moved to the center because they both have women and African-Americans on their boards who also happen to sit on many other boards. Furthermore, one of them, Rozanne L. Ridgway, a retired State Department officer, sits on the boards of both corporations.

In telling this story, I am going to move back and forth between two websites, TheCorporateLibrary.com and They Rule, whose databases are for slightly different years, and thus would show slightly different results if you compared them for yourself, due to the fact that the composition of boards can change slightly each year. With that caution in mind, here's the interlock network created by Ridgway based on the five corporate boards she sits on in the TheyRule.net database:

[]

Next let's consider two other people on the Sara Lee board with Ridgway. First, there's Vernon Jordan, an African-American lawyer who once headed the Urban League, but is best known as President Bill Clinton's lawyer/confidant in the 1990s. Jordan sits on the boards of American Express, Xerox, J.C. Penney, and Asbury Automotive Group. Ridgway and Jordan are enough to pull Sara Lee close to the center, but any doubts are put to rest by the presence of another African-American, former Green Bay Packer defensive lineman Willie Davis, now the owner of a radio station in Los Angeles, who is a member of nine corporate boards, including five that are part of the TheyRule.net database -- Fidelity National Financial, MGM Mirage, Wisconsin Energy, Dow Chemical, and Johnson Controls.

If we add Jordan and Davis to the Ridgway diagram -- once again using the superb tools available on TheyRule.net -- we can see why Sara Lee is near the center of the corporate network. Recalling my quick nonmathematical definition of "centrality," Sara Lee is near the center because it has numerous interlocks with companies -- such as 3M, Boeing, and American Express -- that have numerous interlocks of their own.

[]

It is also interesting to look at the interlocks created by three atypical directors who sit on the 3M board with Ridgway. Aulana Peters is an African-American and retired corporate lawyer who once was a partner in a prominent firm in Los Angeles (she also spent four years during the Reagan Administration working for the Securities and Exchange Commission). Louis M. Sullivan is an African-American physician who served as Secretary of Health and Human Services during the presidency of George H. W. Bush. Linda Alvarado is a Mexican-American and the CEO of her own construction company in Colorado. Here is the corporate network these four directors alone create around 3M:

[]

We also can stop for a minute to look at the interpersonal connections that a Ridgway and a Davis have by virtue of their presence on corporate boards. That is, we can see the social networks created among people who have a common board membership as a "link." These interpersonal networks become relevant for the conclusion that I draw in a minute. For this demonstration, we return to the database on TheCorporateLibrary.com:

As these several different examples show, it seems that since the 1990s the corporate network has been based first and foremost on the individual qualities of the people asked to join several corporate boards rather than on the desire for any formal organizational relations between corporations. There are still some owners, financial advisors, and legal advisors on many boards, as in the old days. But there are also fellow executives who are liked or respected, along with former government officials or political confidants who provide connections in Washington. And then there are the women and people of color who add diversity as well as expertise and connections. Zweigenhaft and I (1982, pp. 25-43; 1998, p. 191) summarize the situation by saying the boards are now made up of owners, executives, lawyers, financial advisors, ambassadors, buffers, and tokens.

This leads to the best current conclusion about corporate interlocks by three business school professors who study boards. The "small world" of the corporate community is created by a combination of the interpersonal ties and expertise of the people who already sit on one or more boards. This generates a community of directors who are not sitting on two or more boards for the purpose of cementing ties between the companies, i.e., with what is called "strategic intent" in the quote that follows, but because they have experience with the kinds of issues that boards face:

  "The upshot of these studies is that board interlocks may be a fortuitous by-product of board preferences for recruiting experienced directors, with little strategic intent (with the possible exception of bank ties), yet the result is the creation of a network that is highly consequential for board decision making. The prior experience of directors is part of the raw material of board decision making, and it is thus unsurprising that a director who has been involved in acquisitions, alliances, adopting takeover defenses, creating an investor relations office, or any other board-level decision (including recruiting other directors) would bring that expertise to bear; indeed, it would be bizarre if things were otherwise." (Davis et al., 2002, p. 305)

One further piece of evidence for this conclusion is the fact that corporate connections "broken" by the death or retirement of a director are not very often "restored" by a new director chosen from closely related companies, which is what would be expected if directorships were still used to establish relationships between companies (Koenig & Gogel, 1981; Palmer, 1983). This finding helps explain why the centrality of corporations can change every few years. When Ridgway, Jordan, and Davis leave the Sara Lee board, for example, the company could drift to the periphery of the network.

Does the interlock network still have an organizational function?

Although most directors probably are not selected for "strategic" reasons, the network of interlocking directors still has some inter-organizational utility. In particular, new ideas can diffuse from one company to another fairly easily. For example, if a director at corporation A sees that the company's new research unit is functioning quite well, she might suggest that a similar research unit be adopted at other companies on whose boards she sits. In turn, directors from those companies may carry the idea to still other companies.

However, I don't want to make too much of the overall network in terms of any given director's comprehension of it. It is too big and diffuse for any one person to see it whole unless they look for connections in big reference books (which is actually what _Who's Who in America_, _Standard & Poors Register of Corporations and Directors_, and the _Martindale-Hubbell Law Directory_ are for from the point of view of the business world). Subjectively speaking, it doesn't mean much, if anything, to any individual that Company A is linked to Company D through Company A's link to Company B and Company B's link to Company C and Company C's link to Company D. Only students of interlocking directorships know that fact. It's a little overly simple, but think of it in terms of your own social networks. Obviously, you know your friends, and you often know some of their other friends, although not all of them, as you often learn to your surprise at a reunion, wedding, or funeral. But you certainly don't know the friends of these "friends of friends," i.e., the people who are three steps removed from you (you -> your friends -> their friends -> their friends).

What's in it for the interlocking directors?

Why do people agree to become directors of two or more corporations? For most of them, it's too easy for us to say that they make good money, anywhere from tens of thousands to a few hundred thousand per board, because those high levels of compensation are fairly recent. It's more likely that they receive various intangibles out of it, such as prestige, information, and new connections. Based on his interviews with corporate directors, sociologist Michael Useem (1984) concluded that service on two or three corporate boards widened the horizons of top executives, which he called "business scan." He also showed that those who sit on two or more corporate boards are more likely to be in policy-discussion groups and to receive appointments to government advisory committees (Useem, 1980). Thus, becoming a director, and then an interlocking director, can help move a person to the heart of the power structure. This finding recently has been supported by a sophisticated "small world" analysis of the interlocks among corporations, foundations, policy-discussion groups, and cultural organizations for the years 1962 to 1995 (Barnes, 2005).

It is very likely that similar motives are operative for the women and people of color who have joined corporate boards since Useem did his study. Moreover, if they serve on five or six corporate boards, they can make over $500,000 a year going to several meetings once a month. (Directors who are on crucial board committees may spend more time.)

Conclusion

The study of interlocking directors has been useful to power structure researchers in helping us to define the corporate community and to learn something about how boards function. These studies show that many corporate leaders don't just sit at their home corporation attending to their own business. Through meeting together on boards of directors, those who are interlocking directors develop social cohesion and shared perspectives to go with their economic power bases.

I believe this is why such people are the core of the leadership group for the upper class and the corporate community, which I call the "power elite." However, as the cases of Sara Lee and 3M show, we should not make too much out of the exact "shape" of the interlock network at any given moment because too much can change when the corporate network is no longer made up strictly of owners and financiers who are using their directorships to coordinate their economic interests.

References

Barnes, R. C. (2005). _The multiple dimensions of the corporate elite's "Small World" from 1962 to 1995_. Paper presented at the American Sociological Association, Philadelphia.

Barnes, R. C., & Ritter, E. R. (2001). Networks of corporate interlock: 1962-1995. _Critical Sociology, 27_, 192-220.

Breiger, R. L. (1974). The duality of persons and groups. _Social Forces, 53_, 181-190.

Bunting, D. (1983). Origins of the American Corporate Network. _Social Science History, 7_, 129-142.

Chernow, R. (1990). _The House of Morgan_. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press.

Dalzell, R. F. (1987). _Enterprising elite : the Boston Associates and the world they made_. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Davis, G. F., & Mizruchi, M. S. (1999, June). The money center cannot hold: Commercial banks in the U.S. system of corporate governance. _Administrative Science Quarterly, 44_, 215(212).

Davis, G. F., Yoo, M., & Baker, W. (2002). The small world of the American corporate elite, 1982-2001. _Strategic Organization, 1_(3), 301-326.

Koenig, T., & Gogel, R. (1981). Interlocking Corporate Directorships as a Social Network. _The American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 40_(1), 37-50.

Mizruchi, M. S. (1982). _The American corporate network, 1904-1974_. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.

Mizruchi, M. S. (1983). Relations Among Large American Corporations, 1904-1974. _Social Science History, 7_, 165-182.

Moore, G., Sobieraj, S., Whitt, J., Mayorova, O., & Beaulieu, D. (2002). Elite interlocks in three U.S. sectors: Nonprofit, corporate, and government. _Social Science Quarterly, 83_, 726-744.

Palmer, D. (1983). Interpreting corporate interlocks from broken ties. _Social Science History, 7_, 217-231.

Roy, W. G. (1983). Interlocking directorates and the corporate revolution. _Social Science History, 7_, 143-164.

Roy, W. G. (1997). _Socializing capital: The rise of the large industrial corporation in America_. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Useem, M. (1980). Which Business Leaders Help Govern? In G. W. Domhoff (Ed.), _Power Structure Research_ (pp. 199-225). Beverly Hills: Sage.

Useem, M. (1984). _The inner circle: Large corporations and the rise of business political activity in the U.S. and U.K_. New York: Oxford University Press.

Zweigenhaft, R., & Domhoff, G. W. (1982). _Jews in the Protestant Establishment_. New York: Praeger.

Zweigenhaft, R., & Domhoff, G. W. (2003). _Blacks in the white elite: Will the progress continue?_ Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

Zweigenhaft, R., & Domhoff, G. W. (2006). _Diversity in the power elite: How it happens, why it matters_ (Second ed.). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield.

Zweigenhaft, R. L., & Domhoff, G. W. (1998). _Diversity in the Power Elite: Have Women and Minorities Reached the Top?_ New Haven, CT: Yale U Press.

First posted August 2005; most recently updated October 2013

THIS DOCUMENT'S URL: HTTP://WHORULESAMERICA.NET/POWER/CORPORATE_COMMUNITY.HTML

question: What are corporate interlocks?

answer: They are links formed between two companies by sharing a board member.

question: What is the significance of corporate interlocks?

answer: They can be analyzed to learn about companies or people that are the most connected. They can be used to learn about informal power structures.

question: How was an analysis of corporate interlocks useful in the past?

answer: Around a century ago, studies about corporate interlocks revealed intense connections between banks and banks to other corporations. These were purposefully constructed to improve business relations between corporations. Agitation about potential collusion culminated in a law forbidding corporate interlocks in a single sector (for example, bank to bank).

question: What is centrality in the context of corporate interlocks?

answer: Centrality is the idea of some corporations or people having connections to other people or corporations which in turn have a lot of connections themselves. This creates a central figure that has ties to hundreds of other corporations or people by knowing people who know people.

question: Why were the banks the most central institutions in the past?

answer: Up to relatively recent times, many board members were either owners or investors of the company. The common investors, which often include banks, therefore end up sitting on a lot of boards.

question: What is the significance of central figures of corporate interlocks in modern times?

answer: The most recent central figures are mostly women or people of color, due to many boards having to include them relatively recently. Since most board members are chosen for their experience, a lot of these recent additions end up serving on a lot of boards.

question: What benefits are there for people creating corporate interlocks?

answer: It's found that these people are a lot more likely to be included in policy discussions. They get to access the core of the power structure.

question: Why do the central figures change often in modern times?

answer: Recently, the selection of board members includes a lot more people who aren't investors or owners. They are chosen for expertise or status. This means that many central figures form accidentally instead of strategically. Hence, when the links break, new links aren't formed to continue the old structure.

question: Write a ~5 sentence summary.

answer: Links formed between two companies by sharing a board member, termed corporate interlocks, is a very useful tool to analyze connections and power structures. These were used in the past to reveal that banks were extremely central to the corporate network. In modern times, corporate interlocks in the same market are unlawful, but links exist nonetheless. Recently, due to the requirement of including women and people of color on boards meant that a lot of them ended up being central figures. However, since the modern links aren't formed strategically, the central figures change very often.


split: train

text:
Well it is a long story but because you asked with a smile I will share. My father got wrapped up in some seriously bad shit with the unicorn mafia. They killed him in front of my 8.5 month pregnant mother.

Soon after I was born into a life filled with hatred for their kind and those that associate with them. I went on like that for years.I even got involved in some unicorn poaching. It was on a gig in Malaysia that I saw her. She was just different than all the other unicorn that I had even known.

Her mane was a color that I didn't knew existed, and had an iridescent glow. I knew then that my whole life was a lie. If unicorns could be like this than they couldn't be the diabolical destructive force that I was indoctrinated into believing in. Her name was Emma and against all odds I loved her.

We abandoned our station with the clans that refused to accept our love. We were married to the fine music of the Appalachians. Our fairy-tale life went on for years. She baked the finest confections in the land and I worked with the local miller doing more or less manual labor. People were non too friendly to our type but we had each other. This was not to last however.

It turned out that I was wrong. Emma was a filthy unicorn whore. At the first sign of something shinier than I she left me. She left me for some smelly hippy Douche bag named Brad. I try not to think about those days anymore as that sends me to the bottom of a bottle.

TL:DR- Not a very big fan of unicorns.

title: Always chasing one.

question: Who got wrapped up with the unicorn mafia?

answer: The narrator's father

question: What is the unicorn's name that the narrator loves?

answer: Emma

question: Who did Emma leave that narrator for?

answer: Brad

question: Where did the narrator meet Emma?

answer: In Malaysia

question: Write a ~3 sentence summary.

answer: The narrator's father was killed by the unicorn mafia which lead to his hatred for unicorns. He went on trips to poach unicorns, when he came upon Emma. He fell in love with Emma against all odds, but then she left him for someone else, and he went to a dark place.


text:
I had a home. It was such a lovely sight. It was a home for the entire world to see, but a home just for her and I. We had planned, arranged, blueprinted, and constructed an exquisite, splendid little home. It filled us with hope for a brighter future, for a better to-morrow. That future never came, and that to-morrow was ever elusive. Nevertheless, we had a home – I had a home.

We were to live out our lives, our years, in that home. Those years would be filled with hardships, with grief and sorrow. Our sweet little home was merely an idyllic facet of our otherwise melancholic lives. It was through no fault of hers, or my own… it was merely life.

Our home was located in an otherwise unremarkable field, a few miles from a small town. It was peaceful. There was not the cacophonous bustle of a city, or its night-sky quelling light. The location was perfect, for the most part. She loved our home; she loved me too. I loved our home; I loved her too.

Our home carried us through our years, not seeming to care, but all the while keeping her safe. Outside our home, the world was a very dangerous place. It was dangerous for her, not for me. Her body was not capable of protecting her from the outside; I wish it could, not for my sake, but for hers.

Her home had been meticulously planned to be completely insulated from the outside. She loved it, but the outside always called to her. Softly, the breeze would whisper, and she would ignore it. The outside was not for her, this place – our home – was.

Within our home we abandoned the outside. For years our home kept us – her – safe from that outside world, and for years we lived in what we called peace. It wasn’t peace, though, and life was difficult; yet it didn’t matter. Within our home we had each other.

I had a home – a home for her and I. The trees, the birds, and all manner of outside things became things of interest, and after time, she gave in. She had to explore. Years of being inside had made her restless; under the cover of night, she stepped outside. She stepped, and stepped, and stepped, until she could step no more.

Our home was far behind; she stood, basking in the pale light of the moon. She stood, listening to the quiet of the night. She stood, with the soft breeze against her face. The grass called, and she answered, laying in it, still bathed in that pale moon light. She closed her eyes, and she slept. Under a blanket of stars, she slept. Her adventure was over.

In our home, I awoke to no one beside me. I was scared, more so than I had ever been. She was always there. Our home never had just one. It was her home, and it was my home – it was our home, and we were always in it.

I found her, in a field not far from our home. She lay in a field of un-cut grass, and she looked peaceful – more so than she had throughout life. I lay in that field beside her, and I cried. Tears glistening in the early morning sun rolled gently down my face; I lay beside her for the last time. In that field, she was buried, her funeral attended only by me.

I had a home. I had a home that was not meant for just me, or just for her, but existed for her and I. That home was where I lived out most of my years, and where she lived out most of hers. That is not my home anymore. Without her, it is not a home, but merely a house. It is a house in an otherwise unremarkable field, a few miles from a small town.

title: Home

question: In what way is the world outside the home dangerous?

answer: The woman the narrator loves can't go outside, as her body can't protect her (it's implied she has an immune disorder)

question: Where is the story set?

answer: At the narrator's home, in an otherwise unremarkable field, a few miles from a small town

question: In what time period is the story set?

answer: That information can't be found

question: Who is the narrator?

answer: The lover of the woman

question: Write a ~5 sentence summary.

answer: The narrator and his beloved make their home in a field a few miles from a small town. They abandon the outside, because the woman's body can't protect her from the outside. One day, the woman leaves in the middle of the night and stands in the field, taking in the moonlight. The narrator finds her dead in the field the next day and buries her. His house is no longer a home.


text:
Bad things happen to good people, and bad credit is sometimes one of them. It can be a pain: A poor credit score makes it tougher to get approved for credit cards and loans. And when you are approved, the interest rates are sky high.

So for those of you with bad credit, it’s no surprise if you’ve written off becoming a homeowner. But don’t give up just yet. It is possible to get a mortgage with bad credit.

What Is Considered Bad Credit When Buying A House?

“Bad credit” can mean different things depending on whom you ask. That’s because you actually have dozens of credit scores, all of which vary depending on the credit bureau and scoring model. However, your FICO score is what’s used by 90 percent of lenders when making decisions.

According to credit reporting agency Experian, this is how FICO credit scores break down:

-   800 or higher: Exceptional

-   740-799: Very good

-   670-739: Good

-   580-669: Fair

-   579 or lower: Very poor

Experian notes that those who fall into the “fair” range are considered to be subprime borrowers. That means they represent a higher risk to lenders and, in general, are going to be subject to higher interest rates and fees when borrowing money. A score under 580 means your credit is in pretty rough shape and there’s a good chance you won’t be approved for a loan at all.

When it comes to what’s considered bad credit by mortgage lenders, it varies. Different lenders have different underwriting standards, and credit scores can play a bigger or smaller role in your overall approval chances depending on other factors, such as income, assets and the property you’re financing.

Typically, however, you’ll experience some friction if your score is between 620 and 740, according to Yves-Marc Courtines, a certified financial planner and former mortgage banker who now runs Boundless Advice in Manhattan Beach, California. He said a score in this range can result in a slightly higher interest rate, having to paymortgage points or being restricted in how much you can borrow.

A credit score of 620 is considered the cutoff for getting a mortgage from traditional lenders.

“Buying a home with poor or bad credit is an option, but you may need to go through lenders of unconventional means,” said Abel Soares III, a former loan officer who is now a certified financial planner and CEO of Hui Malama Advisors in Honolulu. “This means that you may have to go through private lending or mortgage brokers and not your local bank.”

Bad Credit Mortgage Lending Options

Soares noted that with mortgages through private lenders (which include individual investors and “hard money” lenders that often finance individual properties), the interest rate for a borrower with bad credit will be higher and the minimum down payment will likely be heftier. “Keep in mind that if interest rates rise, you will be stuck with the existing mortgage and rate, so you want to make sure that you can afford the payment for the long haul,” he said. However, it might be better to rehab your credit score and refinance at a lower rate in the future. If you had to accept a prepayment penalty on the loan, check that the terms don’t make a refi even more expensive. Also, watch for “creative” loan structures that can saddle you with unaffordable payments after the first few years.

You might also be subject to stricter underwriting standards, which are the lender’s requirements to prove you qualify for the loan.

“There are often different underwriting guidelines, and the lenders may have you submit documentation different than your standard mortgage application,” Soares explained. In other words, be prepared to jump through a few more hoops if your credit is fair or very poor.

But private lenders aren’t your only options. Here’s a look at what else you can do to get approved for a mortgage with bad credit.

Give Government-Backed Loans A Shot

According to Courtines, a mortgage backed by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA) is probably your best bet if your credit score is under 620. In fact, even with a score as low as 580, you can qualify for an FHA mortgage with as little as 3.5 percent down. If your score is lower than that, you’ll be required to put at least 10 percent down. The credit score cutoff for FHA loans is 500.

However, there are a couple of downsides. FHA loans require you to pay an upfront mortgage insurance premium of 1.75 percent of loan value, plus monthly private mortgage insurance (PMI) premiums of 0.45 to 1.05 percent of the loan value. If you put less than 10 percent down, you have to pay PMI for the duration of the loan. Plus, the loan amount is capped at $679,650.

If you’re a service member or veteran, you might qualify for a VA loan. According to Courtines, VA mortgage lenders typically require a credit score of at least 620, but it is possible to find some that will accept a 580. VA loans don’t require a down payment, but you do have to pay a funding fee, typically 2.15 percent of the loan value. Most loans are capped at $453,100.

Make Up For Bad Credit With More Cash

Since a low credit score is a sign to lenders that you’re a riskier borrower, offsetting some of that risk can help increase your chances of getting approved for a mortgage. One way to do that is to offer up a bigger down payment.

According to a National Association of Realtors study from December 2016 to November 2017, 61 percent of first-time homebuyers put down 6 percent or less. But offering 20 percent or more will put enough of your own skin in the game that a lender might decide to lend to you despite your less-than-great credit. Plus, with more money down, you’ll enjoy lower monthly payments and won’t have to pay for private mortgage insurance.

Lower Your DTI

Another factor lenders consider is your debt-to-income ratio, or DTI. This figure represents how much of your income goes to monthly debt obligations, such as credit card, student loan and car loan payments.

The lower your DTI, the better, since you’ll have more income available to handle a mortgage payment. Usually, lenders require a DTI of 43 percent or less, though 36 percent is ideal. If you have bad credit, a low DTI ratio might make you a more attractive borrower. You can lower your DTI by either increasing your income or paying off some debt (or both).

Enlist A Co-signer

If you have a close family member or friend with good credit, you could consider having them co-sign the loan. A co-signer essentially lets you use their good credit to get approved ― but it’s not a decision that should be taken lightly.

Though the mortgage would be in your name, your co-signer would be equally on the hook for payments. So if you missed a mortgage payment, their credit would take a hit. If for some reason you decided to stop paying your mortgage, the lender could go after your co-signer for the money. Obviously, working with a co-signer requires a trusting relationship ― one that could be broken if you don’t handle your mortgage loan responsibly.

Consider Doing This Instead

Sometimes taking out a mortgage under less-than-ideal circumstances is the only way to get your foot in the door, so to speak. But, if you can, consider waiting and repairing your credit first.

“Over the years, working hard to improve... credit has yielded great returns for individual clients,” said Courtines. With good credit, you can save yourself the cost of higher interest rates and less favorable terms. It might seem like a lot of work now, but it can save you thousands in the long run.

[]

Pinterest Home Trends 2018

question: What are the disadvantages of having a credit score of less than 669?

answer: Those with scores between 580 and 669 have a fair credit rating. They are sub-prime, representing a higher risk, and will have to py higher interest rates and additional fees. Those with credit scores of less than 580 will probably not qualify for a loan at all.

question: What are the options for people with a score of 620 or less?

answer: If you have a credit score of 620 or less you may have to approach a private lender because a traditional bank won't assist. Private lenders charge higher interest. You may also have to put down a bigger down payment to mitigate risk. yOu may have to complete a lot more paperwork to fit in with the administrative requirements of the private lender.

question: How should you aim to mitigate the high-interest rates going forward

answer: If you have had to take a mortgage from private lenders at a higher rate, you should plan to rehabilitate your credit rating and then refinance your mortgage. It is advisable to ensure that the prepayment penalty is not so high that a refinance is too expensive. Also, make sure that the loan structures are manageable in the future.


text:
The INTERNATIONAL ECOLOGY INSTITUTE (ECI) is a non-profit organization of research ecologists dedicated to promoting ecological knowledge and awareness. It was established in 1984 in the village of Oldendorf/Luhe, Germany by Inter-Research, a scientific publishing organisation founded in 1979 by Professor Otto Kinne.[1]

The aims of the institute are to facilitate the exchange of information between marine, terrestrial and freshwater ecologists, to promote environmental research, to focus the attention of scientists, politicians and the general public on important ecological issues and to find the right balance between the improvement of human society and the protection of nature.

To help achieve these aims the institute awards two annual international prizes, the ECI Prize and the IRPE Prize, and produces the book series 'Excellence in Ecology'. The ECI Prize is awarded to an ecologist for outstanding and sustained scientific achievement. The IRPE (International Recognition of Professional Excellence) prize is awarded to a young ecologist who has published independent and original or challenging research representing an important scientific breakthrough. Winners of the former prize are expected to author a new book in the 'Excellence in Ecology' series.

The institute is closely associated with the Otto Kinne Foundation, which supports young scientists by the granting of fellowships.

[1]

title: International Ecology Institute

question: What is the International Ecology Institute?

answer: The International Ecology Institute is a non-profit organization of research ecologists dedicated to promoting ecological knowledge and awareness.

question: What are the aims of the institute?

answer: The aims of the institute are to facilitate the exchange of information between marine, terrestrial and freshwater ecologists, to promote environmental research, to focus the attention of scientists, politicians, and the general public on important ecological issues and to find the right balance between the improvement of human society and the protection of nature.

question: Who is the institute closely associated with?

answer: It is closely associated with the Otto Kinne Foundation, which supports young scientists by the granting of fellowships.

question: What two prizes does the institute award?

answer: It awards two annual international prizes, the ECI Prize and the IRPE Prize.

question: Write a ~2 sentence summary.

answer: This article discusses the International Ecology Institute, a non-profit organization of research ecologists dedicated to promoting ecological knowledge and awareness. It describes its aims, associations, as well as awards the institute gives out.


text:
Cyrus is providing a best in class Finance software to manage all the banking operations those are required to run a Credit society, Our Brand as FIN Superb (A Multi State Credit Co-operative Society Software)

Fin Superb is a software product exclusively designed and developed for Credit Co-operative Credit Societies. Its fully Real time Web-based application for Multi state societies, Multi branch credit co-operative society, Thrift and Credit Society, Nidhi Companies. It can be customized according to client’s requirement.

This software can be called as a Nidhi Management Software As its working for RD, FD, MIS, Saving Accounts, and Loan Management. This software will cater all the needs and fulfill all the dreams which a society need to buildup.

The Credit Society Software offered by Cyrus provides a world in class features and cared with all the small needs in the software ever for future requirements as well.

Cyrus is a renowned Credit Co-operative Society Software Development Company, Experienced and popular for the development of Credit Co-operative Society Software in India with an experience and trust of 6+ years in building Credit Co-operative Society Software and websites.

NIDHI SOFTWARE - Cyrus Technoedge has vast experience in development of Nidhi Software.We provide a .NET based centralized database online software for Nidhi Companies with core banking operations such as Fixed Deposit, Recurring Deposits, Loan to Customers, Monthly Income Schemes, Dividend declarations etc. Our Company handles the Members details like: all Saving A/c, Current A/c, FD A/c, RD A/c, and DDS A/c. It handles the management of Cheque book and Bond. It handles all kind of Loan operations, Printing Loan Ledger, Automatic Interest Calculations. Our company provide this type of software which have a lots of outstanding banking features such as FD, RD, MLM, Daily Cash Account, Saving Accounts and Loan Accounts
READ MORE

MULTI STATE/MULTI BRANCH CREDIT SOCIETY SOFTWARE- Cyrus provides the best Cooperative Society Software which offers to manage Multi-State Credit Cooperative Society and it's all financial, organizational and executive tasks with user friendly location. Our Cooperative Society Software is completely web-based software and a real time web application which includes multi-branch cooperative society and other customized features integrated required by your business needs.The Credit Co-operative Society Software offered by Cyrus Technoedge will provide you a large numbers of services. It can make the process of contract, registration, development computation and calculation of the charge is reliable. Cyrus Technoedge, Credit Co-operative Society Software Development Company is one of the most experienced Credit Co-operative Society Software companies
READ MORE

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question: What does the article say about who Cyrus is?

answer: Cyrus provides best in class Finance software to manage all banking operations required to run a credit society. Their main offering being FIN superb. They provide a .NET based centralized database online software for Nidhi companies with core banking operations such as fixed deposit, recurring deposits, loan to customers, monthly income schemes, dividend declarations, etc. Their main software is completely web-based.


text:
RICHARD L. TILLMAN, known as DICK TILLMAN, (November 27, 1936 – October 14, 2020) was an American sailor. He was a member of the United States sailing team at the 1976 Summer Olympics as an alternate and was named US Sailor of the Year in 1965.[1]

He started sailing as a teenager at Wawasee Yacht Club crewing for Alan (Buzz) Levinson, his older brother Frank and his younger brother, Harry, in their Snipes.

College

Dick Tillman was National Intercollegiate Sailing Champion with the U.S. Naval Academy in 1957,[2] and became a member of the ICSA Hall of Fame for Competitive Achievement after graduation in 1958.[3]

Sailing career

Dick Tillman holds national, north American and world titles in the Snipe, Finn, Laser and Sunfish classes:

-   U.S. National Champion in Snipe (1959),[4] Finn (1965),[5]
-   North American Champion in Laser (1971, 1972 and 1973),[6] and Finn (1965).[7]

He also won a bronze medal at the 1959 Pan American Games in Snipe.[8]

In the Masters category, he also holds several championships:

-   International Sunfish Masters Champion in 1995, 1996, 1998 and 2002.[9]
-   World Great Grand Masters Laser radial Champion in 2002.[10]
-   North American Laser Masters Champion in 1981 and 1982.[11]
-   World Masters Games
    -   Silver Medalist at the 1998 Nike World Masters in Windsurfing
    -   Bronze Medalist at the 1998 Nike World Masters in Laser

Organizational activities

Dick Tillman has been a member of the United States Sailing Association for over 30 years and director for 3 years (1999-2002), chair of National Single-handed Championship Committee for 7 years, commodore of the Snipe Class International Racing Association (1971), sailing representative to USOC Athletes Advisory Council (1976-1980), Executive Director of the International J/24 Class Association (1981-1991), and president of the US Windsurfing Association, president of the International Sunfish Class Association (2002-2006).[12]

Books

He wrote _The Complete Book of Laser Sailing_, published by McGraw Hill in 2005.[13]

[1]

[2] Inter-Collegiate Sailing Association

[3] Inter-Collegiate Sailing Association

[4] Snipe Bulletin September 1959

[5] International Finn Association

[6]

[7] International Finn Association

[8] Snipe Pan Am Games

[9] International Sunfish Class Association

[10]

[11] Laser Sailing Tips

[12]

[13] The Complete Book of Laser Sailing

title: Dick Tillman

question: Where was Dick Tillman born?

answer: The article doesn't mention specifically where he was born, but he was American.

question: Summarize Dick Tillman's education.

answer: He attended the U.S. Naval Academy, becoming National Intercollegiate Sailing Champion in 1957. He graduated in 1958.

question: List 3 championships Dick Tillman won.

answer: The International Sunfish Masters, The World Masters Games, and The North American Laser Masters

question: When did Dick Tillman retire?

answer: That information can't be found.

question: List the named members of Dick Tillman's family.

answer: Frank (his older brother) and Harry (his younger brother)

question: Write a ~2 sentence summary.

answer: Dick Tillman was an American sailor. He was a member of the United States sailing team during the 1976 Olympics and holds national, North American, and World titles in the Snipe, Finn, Laser, and Sunfish classes.


text:
HURRICANE MADELINE was the final tropical cyclone of the 1998 Pacific hurricane season. Madeline originated from a tropical wave that emerged off the coast of Africa on September 25, 1998. The wave traversed the Atlantic Ocean and crossed over Central America on October 5 or 6. Gradually, the system intensified and was classified as a tropical depression on October 16, a tropical storm later that day, and a hurricane on October 17. The storm reached peak winds of about southwest of San Blas, Nayarit, and after 18 hours it subsequently began to weaken. Although Madeline never made landfall, numerous rainbands affected the Mexican coast causing no known damage or fatalities. The remnant moisture moved north and contributed to flooding in central Texas, which killed 31 people and caused $750 million (1998 USD; $ {{#time:Y}} USD) in damage.

Meteorological history

On September 25, 1998 a tropical wave emerged off the coast of Africa, producing intermittent concentrated clusters of convective activity. The wave traversed the Atlantic Ocean and the Caribbean Sea before crossing Central America on October 5 or October 6. After several days, convection increased, and Dvorak classifications initiated. Satellite imagery indicated that the system dissipated on October 11, although an area of cloudiness persisted off the coast of Mexico. After four days, the system regenerated and under diffluent flow aloft, deep convection became more concentrated;[1] it is estimated that a tropical depression formed at 0000 UTC on October 16, about west-southwest of Manzanillo, Mexico.[2] Initially, due to disorganization, determining the forward movement of depression was difficult,[3] although a few hours later it was estimated that the system was tracking to the north-northwest.[4] With favorable conditions aloft, the deep convection became more concentrated, and 12 hours after first developing, the depression intensified into Tropical Storm Madeline about southwest of Cabo Corrientes.[5]

During the afternoon, convective cloud tops warmed slightly although the storm continued to intensify.[6] Soon after, thunderstorm activity became limited as Madeline remained generally stationary in movement.[7] An approaching mid-level trough turned Madeline to the northeast. Banding features gradually improved in organization, and late on October 17 the storm attained hurricane status.[8] However, satellite imagery indicated that convective activity was confined to the western portion of the storm, and at the same time an eye began to form.[9] Early on October 18, data from a Reconnaissance aircraft flight into the storm found a minimum central pressure of , as the storm was drifting to the northeast at around near the western edge of a large-scale east–west ridge axis.[10] The apparent eye became cloud-filled shortly thereafter, and a slight increase in temperature was discovered near the center. Despite this, upper-level outflow was favorable, leading to predictions of slight intensification.[11]

Shortly thereafter, Madeline attained peak winds of about southwest of San Blas, Nayarit. The hurricane maintained peak winds for about 18 hours while curving again to the northwest.[12] With evidence of southern wind shear, only a small area of deep thunderstorm activity existed on October 19, and the system began to appear ill-defined of satellite imagery.[13] The hurricane quickly weakened into a tropical storm,[14] and by later that day, the storm became void of convection due to strong wind shear.[15] On October 19, the storm was downgraded to a tropical depression, leaving just a swirl of low clouds midway between the southern tip of Baja California and mainland Mexico.[16] By 0600 UTC on October 20, the remnants of Madeline had completely dissipated.[17]

Preparations and impact

[Rainfall estimates in Mexico provided by the Meteorological Prediction Center] In anticipation of Madeline, the government of Mexico issued a tropical storm warning for the Baja California Peninsula southward from La Paz, and a hurricane warning from San Patricio, Jalisco to El Dorado, Sinaloa, including the Islas Marías. The storm was initially forecast to move ashore near Mazatlán, prompting officials to close the city's port. President Ernesto Zedillo advised potentially affected residents to stay indoors or seek refuge in shelters.[18] Also, the threat of the hurricane canceled a fishing expedition in the Gulf of California due to rough surf. The expedition was to provide a new aquarium in downtown Denver, Colorado with about 8,500 fish.[19] Mexican authorities deployed 2,000 soldiers in remote areas of the Pacific coast state of Sinaloa to prepare for the hurricane. Several thousand residents and tourists at the resorts of Puerto Vallarta and Mazatlan were put on standby to evacuate their homes.[20] Authorities along the coast in the state of Nayarit went house to house, advising people about the oncoming storm.[21] In addition, ships from Salina Cruz to Acapulco were advised to stay in port.[22]

Although Madeline never crossed the coast, numerous rainbands affected the Mexican coast, dropping up to .[23] Despite this, no damage or fatalities were reported in Mexico.[24] After the storm had dissipated, the remnant plume of moisture contributed to severe flooding in central Texas.[25] Rainfall in Texas reached in some locations. Thirty-one people died due to the flooding, and damage totaled to $750 million (1998 USD).[26] A total of 24 of the deaths were drownings, 22 of them were caused by driving vehicles into high water on a road flooded by the torrential downpours. There were 16 different incidents when these types of deaths occurred, four of them involving in multiple deaths. Three others died due to trauma, and one died from hypothermia after the person was submerged in the water.[27] The greatest impact was in Southern Texas, which included the urban areas of San Antonio and Austin, and all of their surrounding suburbs. The counties with the most significant rainfall, damage, and fatalities were Travis County, Bexar County, Guadalupe County, Comal County, and Caldwell County. This area included both the cities of San Antonio and Austin. In a small area in Caldwell County, there was of rain estimated by the United States Geological Survey. This included the area of Lockhart, Texas, which was badly flooded by the storm due to its close proximity to the San Marcos River. Most of the county picked up an estimated of rain, including San Marcos, Texas, New Braunfels, Texas, and Kyle, Texas.[28] In all, portions of 60 counties in Texas were flooded and hundreds of people were forced to flee their homes.[29]

Due to the flooding, twenty counties were declared federal disaster areas, clearing the way for assistance such as federal loans. Then-president Bill Clinton promised aid to the victims of the storm and then-governor George W. Bush took a tour of the devastated region with the Federal Emergency Management Agency director.[30]

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21]

[22]

[23]

[24]

[25]

[26]

[27]

[28]

[29]

[30]

title: Hurricane Madeline (1998)

question: When and where did hurricane Madeline emerge?

answer: Hurricane Madeline was the final tropical cyclone of 1998 Pacific hurricane season. It originated from a tropical wave that emerged off the coast of Africa on September 25, 1998. The wave traversed the Atlantic Ocean and crossed over Central American on October 16, a tropical storm later that day, and a hurricane on October 17.

question: What impact did Hurricane Madeline have?

answer: The government of Mexico issued a tropical storm warning for the Baja California peninsula. The threat of hurricane canceled a fishing expedition in the Gulf of California due to rough surf. Mexico deployed soldiers in remote areas of Sinaloa to maintain order. Rainfall in Texas caused severe flooding, and then-governor George W. Bush toured the devastated region with the FEMA director.


text:
My head was collapsed into my hands. The detective rapped his fingers slowly on the desk, his eyes bored into my hair asking the same question he, and others had been repeating for days. "Why did you kill her?".

I was unable to meet his gaze as I explained what had happened with us. He didn't believe me. How could he? Can you explain God to a faithless man? Can you describe rainbows to the blind or song to the deaf? My case was hopeless.
He was not a detective in the sense of Sherlock Holmes, he had already made up his mind and was now just gathering confidence in my conviction. There was no curious case of the lack of barking dog, just DNA, fingerprints and logic.
I couldn't blame him for his doubt, I was nervous and the last week had taken its toll on my body. Unable to sleep or eat, my previously taut skin now hung lazily on my features. My dull eyes looked back at me in the mirror without a flash of recognition, I was a stranger to myself. I looked and felt a wreck, he could see it as well.

I have always had trouble under pressure. Everyone seemed different and more at ease in the the day to day runnings of the world. Children lacked concern, adults lacked doubt and I sat somewhere between, removed from both. My parents realized something was amiss from an early age and attempted to correct my social fallacies by intentionally placing me in situations where I would need to find my own way. My mother in particular thrived on correcting me whenever possible and I began to abhor contact with her. Comfort came in the exciting but textually safe world of books. From a young age I learnt to live vicariously through the life of others, whether stealing chickens with Mr. Fox or logical conundrums with Alice in wonderland, books represented a fantasic reprieve from the unpredictable social experiment. My mother eventually gave up and focused on the other children, leaving me mostly to my own.

While I enjoyed this social removal, as a consequence it allowed my phycosis to grow and at seven years old was placed in a special school and loosely defined as autistic. The work was easy and the children strange so I mostly had time to myself while the teachers frantaticly took care of the others. I withdrew from the class and in some aspects the whole of society. My mother was growing increasingly despondant at my condition but busy with three other children, there was very little she could do.

It was in one these periods of social removal that I first heard Nameless speak. It happened one day at school when the teacher was berating me over a lack of interest in her group lesson. I was positioned by her in the back of the room, until I was ready to learn. This was usually of no concern to me, however I felt incensed today as she had singled me out. I absentmindedly picked up a lego block and was pleasantly examining the design when a voice in my head suggested I throw it. The voice was very loud and had a curious high pitched, yet older tone. The voice continued daring me to throw it at the teacher, mocking my complacency. At this stage in life I often followed any orders with little contest so I threw the block at the teacher, striking her just below the eye. A slight trickle of blood appeared and she stormed towards me with furious intention. The mocking voice went silent.

My mind has gone blank on the incident but I returned home with a sore cheek and a painful scratch on my arm. I was told that particular teacher had to be removed because she didn't understand why I was special. Later in the evening both parents came into my room and regarded me with alien stares. When questioned on why I had thrown the toy I stayed silent until my parents left me alone. My mother returned an hour later with a hug and a toy. The toy was handmade, a male, with crude stitching down the sides where tuffs of cotton poked out of the gaps and sporting lopsided grin. Its two eyes were small black buttons, which left me feeling uneasy when I looked at them. She explained to me this toy was to be used when I was feeling frustrated and that I could throw or bend it, but never take my frustration out on someone innocent.

I was still concerned by the toy but didn't want to upset mother so it quickly became inseperable from me by nessesity. This abated some of her worry as she felt we now shared a connection from this. It was later revealed that she had made him especially for me. Given to me in response to a brief rebellion I felt this toy represented my bad qualities. He was quiet like me but his eyes were mean and distant. His grin reminded me of a boy in my class with palsy. It began normal on one side then twisted down, giving him the impression of perpetual sardonic laughter. He had been given to me as a result of being bad and I was reluctant to name him after any of the characters I enjoyed in books. He remained nameless for so long he eventually adopted the name Nameless. I rationalised Nameless had made me throw the lego, and that the mocking voice was his. As much as I blamed him and felt strange having him close to me, the companionship was needed and I began to talk more to him than anyone.
It was several months before he talked again. It started off with strange movements, I would leave him somewhere and would almost always find him in a slightly different position.
It was around then Nameless began to respond to me in short jarring words. He would only speak to me and often say something topical and then fall silent for long periods of time. His words were jarring and offensive but often say what I felt but couldn't express. I was barely talking around the age of ten but nameless allowed me to express myself at small injustices that came my way.

title: 'Nameless'

question: What did the detective ask the narrator?

answer: "Why did you kill her"?

question: What was the narrator's childhood like?

answer: He was bad under pressure, despite his parents trying to help. He opted instead to live through others by reading.

question: What did the narrator throw the lego block at his teacher?

answer: The teacher was singling him out and berating him, so a voice in his head called Nameless yelled and mocked him to throw the block. When he did, the voice went silent.

question: What did the narrator's mother give him after throwing the block at his teacher?

answer: She gave him a hug and a toy, a small doll figurine of a boy, crudely stitched and asymmetrical.

question: Write a ~3 sentence summary.

answer: The narrator is being questioned in a detectives office about why he killed a girl. He finds it impossible to explain, thinking there was no possible way for the detective to understand. He tells us about his childhood feelings of alienation, how he developed autism at an early age, and ultimately how he began hearing a voice he calls "Nameless" in his head whenever he felt threatened or isolated which tells him to retaliate in one way or another.


text:
NASHIT ( derived from ; ) was a singer of Persian[1][2] origin, acquired as a slave by Abd Allah b. Dja'far b. Abi Talib, and who flourished in the second half of the 1st century A.H. in Medina. His Persian style of singing was a great success there, compelling other singers to imitate it, but Nashit himself had to learn the Arab style and songs in order to enlarge his repertoire.[3]

[1]

[2]

[3]

title: Nashit

question: What is the relationship between Nashit and Abd Allah?

answer: Nashit was acquired as a slave by Abd Allah.

question: Summarize all the information relating to Nashit's singing style?

answer: His Persian style of singing was a great success, compelling other singers to imitate it. But Nashit had to learn the Arab style and songs in order to enlarge his repertoire.

question: In what time period did Nashit live?

answer: He lived in the second half of the 1st century A.H.

question: Was Nashit a good singer?

answer: It would seem so. He flourished and other singers were compelled to imitate him.

question: Write a ~2 sentence summary.

answer: Nashit was a slave who was a singer during the second half of the 1st century. His Persian style of singing was popular, he enlarged his repertoire by learning the Arab style and songs as well.


text:
Items

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    Attendance Sheet - Black & White Letter

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    Attendance Sheet - Two Sizes

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    100 Cats Fill-In Chart

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    Baby Shower Food Jar DIY label Party Favor

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    Baby Food Jar 1st Birthday Personalized Labels DIY

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    100 Acts of Kindness

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[Francine Sn]

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Francine Sn

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    Anonymous on Jun 16, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    This is the most beautiful cookie cutter I have ever had!! Great quality, shipped fast with Xmas wrapping (it's June LOL) and I loved the tiny pendants too. THANK YOU!

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    Anonymous on Jun 15, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    very pretty

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     5 out of 5 stars

    very pretty

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    Anonymous on Jun 15, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    lovely

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    Anonymous on Jun 15, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    lovely

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    Anonymous on Jun 10, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    Very nice necklace and a thoughtful shop owner.

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    Anonymous on Jun 10, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    Thank you!

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    Anonymous on Jun 5, 2013

     5 out of 5 stars

    Arrived quickly and exactly what I wanted. Thank you.

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     5 out of 5 stars

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     5 out of 5 stars

    Great...thanks!

About CatherineLily

Sales 326

On Etsy since 2009

2nd Generation Artisan Crafter with passion for making beautiful things

My mother represents the first generation in my family to have a passion for making beautiful things. As a child, I watched my mom make several amazing craft items, from handmade dolls that resembled me to a large fantastic Hawaiian quilt. Her crafting has resulted in the opening of two stores in Kailua-Kona, Hawaii that showcase her jewelry art pieces and hand-made purses.

Feeling the same passion, I've found it's easy to produce an abundance of beautiful things when you love what you're doing. Opening an Etsy shop is a chance for me to share it with others. :) Hope you enjoy the store.

Have a wonderful day!

Kind regards,
Francine Sneddon

Shop members

-   []

    Francine Sneddon

    Owner, Maker, Designer

    My favorite materials to work with are gemstones, pearls, polymer clay, crystals and fused glass. In most of my designs I strive for a simple and elegant look, but there are a few pieces that can't help but steal the show.

Shop policies

Last updated on October 22, 2012

Hello,
Welcome to my store. Thanks for visiting.
Regards,
Francine

Accepted payment methods

Paypal
Mastercard
Visa
American Express
Discover
Apple Pay
Klarna
Giftcard
Accepts Etsy Gift Cards and Etsy Credits

question: Are there any instances where the narrator does deviate from her minimalist jewelry design style?

answer: Yes, especially when there are flashy pieces of jewelry that she thinks might catch the eyes of buyers.


text:
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SKU: 113884949

ITEM: KSA2240

1.  Academy
2.  Outdoors
3.  Shooting
4.  Firearms
5.  Rifles
6.  Bolt-Action Rifles

------------------------------------------------------------------------

DETAILS & SPECS

------------------------------------------------------------------------

REVIEWS

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Q&A

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The Crickett Single Shot Synthetic .22 LR Bolt Action Rifle comes with an adjustable rear sight and a fixed front sight, while the body features a synthetic stock, a single-stage trigger and an alloy nickel-plated steel barrel with a blued finish. Manual safety.

Features and Benefits

Steel receivers and a crowned muzzle
Manual safety
Synthetic stock
16.12-inch barrel is made from alloy nickel-plated steel with a blued finish
Bolt action with a 1-round capacity
Adjustable rear sight and a fixed front sight
Single-stage trigger

Specifications

Handedness: Right
Product weight: 3 pounds
Type: Rimfire
Metal finish: Blued
Style: Hunting
Magazine capacity: 1
Rear sight: Adjustable
Stock: Synthetic
Product Type: Rimfire
Barrel length (in.): 16.12
Action: Bolt
Front sight: Fixed
Caliber: .22 LR
Product length (in.): 30.5

What's in the Box

Crickett Single Shot Synthetic .22 LR Bolt Action Rifle

Important Product and Safety Information

We recommend the use of protective eyewear whenever using or near the use of this item.
Please note that all firearm purchases require valid US government issued ID and related firearm paperwork.
Firearms purchased online are shipped to your local Academy Sports + Outdoors as selected in the checkout process.

1.  Academy
2.  Outdoors
3.  Shooting
4.  Firearms
5.  Rifles
6.  Bolt-Action Rifles

question: What is the product?

answer: It is a rifle.

question: How much does it weigh?

answer: It weighs 3 pounds.

question: What color is the product?

answer: The rifle has a blued metallic finish.

question: Where is it getting shipped to?

answer: This information can't be found.

question: Write a ~1 sentence summary.

answer: A product page about Crickett Single Shot Synthetic .22 LR Bolt Action Rifle.


text:
_MUTINY_ is an album by American power pop band Too Much Joy. It was released on September 12, 1992 on Giant Records, and was the third and last album Too Much Joy released on this label.[1]

Critical reception

Critics generally gave _Mutiny_ favorable reviews. For example, _People_ described it as “multifaceted” and “the band’s best yet.”[2] Similarly, in a retrospective review, Stewart Mason of AllMusic wrote that “In retrospect, this is probably Too Much Joy's best album, and certainly their most consistently listenable.”[3] Not every critic was so favorable, however; for example, Robert Christgau gave it a “neither” rating, which corresponds to an album that “may impress once or twice with consistent craft or an arresting track or two. Then it won't.”[4] Another less-than-favorable review came from Chris Heim, who described it as “a mix of forced humor and bare-faced commercial lunging at today's star-making grunge audience.”[5] Patrick Schabe wrote in 2006 that the album, because it was “in many ways a more mature and superior rock album” than its predecessor, _Cereal Killers_, “alienated fans who were drawn to the goof-ball humor” of _Cereal Killers_.[6] Ira Robbins agreed that it was Too Much Joy's most mature album, writing that compared to their previous work, it was “marginally more serious, placing as much emphasis on straightforward melodicism and sly style-mongering as chucklehead topical indulgences.”[7] Mark Jenkins of _the Washington Post_ wrote that the most memorable song on the album was “Donna Everywhere”.[8]

Track listing

1.  Parachute – 2:21
2.  Donna Everywhere – 3:48
3.  What It Is – 5:40
4.  Just Like A Man- 2:42
5.  Sin Tax – 3:33
6.  Starry Eyes – 3:26
7.  Stay At Home – 3:18
8.  Magic – 2:44
9.  In Perpetuity – 3:59
10. Sort Of Haunted House – 3:46
11. I Don't Know – 2:45
12. Unbeautiful – 2:49
13. Strong Thing – 4:22
14. Sorry – 2:22

Personnel

-   Bass, Vocals – Sandy Smallens
-   Drums, Vocals, Percussion – Tommy Vinton
-   Engineer – Geoff Daking
-   Guitar, Vocals – Jay Blumenfield
-   Mastered By – George Marino
-   Producer – William Wittman
-   Vocals – Tim Quirk

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

title: Mutiny (Too Much Joy album)

question: When was Mutiny released?

answer: It was released on September 12, 1992.

question: What is a power pop band?

answer: That information can't be found in the article.

question: How many tracks does the album have?

answer: 14

question: What is the shortest song on the album?

answer: Parachute

question: What was the general reception of the album?

answer: The reviews were mostly favorable with some critics calling it Too Much Joy's most mature album.

question: Who was the guitarist on this album?

answer: Jay Blumenfield

question: Write a ~2 sentence summary.

answer: This article details the reception, track listing, and personnel of Too Much Joy's 1992 album Mutiny. It gathered mostly favorable reviews.


text:
BOSUTINIB (rINN/USAN; codenamed SKI-606, marketed under the trade name BOSULIF) is a small molecule BCR-ABL and src tyrosine kinase inhibitor used for the treatment of chronic myelogenous leukemia.

Originally synthesized by Wyeth, it is being developed by Pfizer.

Mechanism

It is an ATP-competitive Bcr-Abl tyrosine-kinase inhibitor with an additional inhibitory effect on SRc family kinases (including Src, Lyn and Hck).[1][2] It has also shown activity against the receptors for platelet derived growth factor and vascular endothelial growth factor.[3] Bosutinib inhibited 16 of 18 imatinib-resistant forms of Bcr-Abl expressed in murine myeloid cell lines, but did not inhibit T315I and V299L mutant cells.[4]

Bosutinib is metabolized through CYP3A4.

Medical uses

Bosutinib received US FDA and EU European Medicines Agency approval on September 4, 2012 and 27 March 2013 respectively for the treatment of adult patients with Philadelphia chromosome-positive (Ph+) chronic myelogenous leukemia (CML) with resistance, or intolerance to prior therapy.[5][6][7][8]

Adverse effects

VERY COMMON (>10% FREQUENCY): [9]

-   Diarrhoea (~82%)
-   Arterial occlusive events such as stroke or heart attack (44% in patients with chronic myeloid leukemia).[10]
-   Nausea
-   Myelosuppression[11]
-   Vomiting (~37%)
-   Abdominal pain
-   Raised ALT
-   Raised AST
-   Rash
-   Arthralgia (joint pain)
-   Fever
-   Oedema
-   Fatigue
-   Cough
-   Headache
-   Reduced appetite
-   Respiratory tract infection[12]

COMMON (1-10% FREQUENCY):

-   Drug hypersensitivity
-   Dehydration
-   Hyperkalaemia (high blood potassium)
-   Hypophosphataemia (low blood phosphate)
-   Dizziness
-   Dysgeusia (distorted sense of taste)
-   Pericardial effusion
-   Pleural effusion
-   QT interval prolongation
-   Shortness of breath
-   Gastritis (stomach swelling)
-   Hepatotoxicity (liver dysfunction/damage)
-   Abnormal LFTs
-   Elevated blood bilirubin levels
-   GGT increased
-   Acne
-   Itchiness
-   Hives
-   Myalgia (muscle aches)
-   Back pain
-   Kidney failure
-   Chest pain
-   Pain
-   Muscle weakness
-   Increased lipase
-   Increased blood creatinine
-   Increased blood amylase level
-   Elevated blood creatine phosphokinase

UNCOMMON (0.1-1% FREQUENCY):

-   Agranulocytosis
-   Anaphylactic reactions
-   Tinnitus (ringing in the ears)
-   Pericarditis
-   Respiratory failure
-   Acute pulmonary oedema
-   Pulmonary hypertension
-   Acute pancreatitis
-   Gastrointestinal haemorrhage
-   Liver injury
-   Erythema multiforme
-   Erythroderma
-   Drug eruption
-   Acute kidney failure
-   Renal impairment

Contraindications

Bosutinib has two known absolute contraindications, which are: known hypersensitivity to bosutinib and liver impairment.[13][14]

Interactions

Bosutinib is both a substrate and an inhibitor of P-glycoprotein (P-gp) and CYP3A4.[15] Hence P-gp and CYP3A4 inhibitors may increase plasma levels of bosutinib.[16] Likewise CYP3A4 inducers may reduce plasma concentrations of bosutinib.[17] It may also alter the metabolism and uptake (into the GIT by means of its P-gp inhibitory effects) of other drugs that are substrates for P-gp and CYP3A4.[18]

[WEE1 kinase domain in complex with bosutinib.]

Carcinogenicity and mutagenicity

Animal studies using up to three-times the clinical exposure (in terms of AUC) to bosutinib have failed to demonstrate any carcinogenic effects.[19] Mutagenic and clastogenic effects were not detected _in vitro_.[20]

Quality issues

Some commercial stocks of bosutinib (from sources other than the Pfizer material used for clinical trials) have recently been found to have the incorrect chemical structure, calling the biological results obtained with them into doubt.[21]

Notes

[1]

[2]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11] Including thrombocytopaenia, anaemia, neutropaenia and leucopaenia.

[12] Including: pneumonia, bronchitis and influenza

[13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

[19]

[20]

[21] Derek Lowe, In The Pipeline (blog), “Bosutinib: Don't Believe the Label!”

title: Bosutinib

question: What does the text say about the medical uses of the drug?

answer: Bosutinib was approved by the US FDA and EU European Medicines Agency in 2012 and 2013, respectively, for the treatment of adult patients with Philadelphia chromosome-positive chronic myelogenous leukemia with resistance or intolerance to prior therapy.

question: What does the text say about the history of the drug's discovery?


text:
[]

Amazon is ready to enlarge its presence in Asia. Months after it pumped $3 billion into its India business and a week after it quietly introduced its Prime service in China, plans for its entry into Southeast Asia next year have surfaced.

The U.S. retail giant doesn’t currently offer local services in Southeast Asia, but it is working to enter the region via a launch in Singapore. Amazon is covertly acquiring assets, including refrigerated trucks, and making new hires as part of an initiative led by head of ASEAN Steven Scrive, two sources close to the company told TechCrunch. The current plan is to launch selected services in Singapore within the first quarter of 2017, one source added.

Amazon declined to respond to a request for comment.

The U.S. company is likely to initially offer its Prime delivery service alongside its AmazonFresh grocery service, in Singapore, we understand. Earlier this year, Amazon made an offer to acquire Redmart, a grocery delivery startup in Singapore backed by Facebook co-founder Eduardo Saverin, but the bid was deemed too low and rejected. We reported last week that Redmart is in talks to be acquired by Lazada, the e-commerce firm that Alibaba invested $1 billion in earlier this year. Amazon declined to reenter acquisition talks, despite contact from Redmart, instead deciding to build out its own operations.

Southeast Asia is home to over 600 million consumers and, while online is estimated to account for less than five percent of all commerce today, its digital economy is tipped to grow significantly over the next decade. Already, Alibaba has stepped into the region via investments in Lazada, delivery firm SingPost, and payments company Ascend Money. Amazon competes fiercely with Alibaba-backed Paytm, Flipkart and Snapdeal in India, and it has decided that now is the time to join its rival in Southeast Asia.

There’s been speculative talk that Amazon is harboring plans to Indonesia, the world’s fourth most populous country and Southeast Asia’s largest economy, but sources told us that Amazon is fully focused on expanding into Singapore at this point.

That makes a lot of sense because Singapore is not only smaller and easier to service from an operational perspective, but the level of customer spend and consumer culture is more closely aligned with Western markets where Amazon thrives. Other emerging markets will take great levels of adapting, leaving Singapore as an obvious first landing point and general hub/HQ for the region.

question: What is Amazon ready to do?

answer: Expand its business in Asia.

question: In which country will Amazon launch?

answer: Singapore.

question: What year are they planning on doing this?

answer: 2017.

question: Why is Singapore a good choice to expand their market?

answer: Their consumer culture and customer spending habits are more closely aligned with Western culture.

question: Write a ~2 sentence summary.

answer: Retail giant Amazon is ready to slowly enter the Asia market. In the first quarter of 2017, they plan to launch in Singapore-a good and perhaps obvious choice because the small country's consumer culture and customer spending habits are more closely aligned with Western culture.